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UNIVERSITY  OF  WASHINGTON   PUBLICATIONS 
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POLITICAL  AND    SOCIAL   SCIENCE 

Vol.  1,  No.  1,  pp.  1-67,  pis.  1-8,  15  text  figures 


June,  1920 


THE  WHALING  EQUIPMENT  OF 
THE  MAKAH  INDIANS 


by 
T.  T.  WATERMAN 


SEATTLE.  WASH. 
PUBLISHED  BY  THE  UNIVERSITY 

1920 


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UNIVERSITY   OF  WASHINGTON   PUBLICATIONS 

IN 

POLITICAL  AND    SOCIAL    SCIENCE 
Vol.  1,  No.  1,  pp.  1-67,  pis.  1-8,  15  text  figures  June,  1920 


THE  WHALING   EQUIPMENT  OF 
THE   MAKAH   INDIANS 


by 
T.  T.  WATERMAN 


SEATTLE,  WASH. 
PUBLISHED  BY  THE  UNIVERSITY 

1920 


CONTENTS 

Page 

INTRODUCTION    4 

Alphabet  used  in  recording  Indian  words 5 

THE  "CHINOOK"  CANOE    9 

The  name  "Chinook"    9 

Comparison  with  the  canoes  of  other  parts  of  the  Pacific  coast 10 

"Rating"   of   canoes    12 

The  hull    14 

Features  of  the  hull  described  by  previous  writers    14 

Additional  notes  on  the  hull    16 

Bow  and  stern  pieces 16 

Shape  of  the  hull 19 

Interior  fittings    20 

Care  of  the  hull 22 

Ornamentation    22 

Sails   and   rigging    23 

Features  of  the  rigging  described  by  previous  writers   23 

Additional  notes  on  rigging 24 

Defects  of  the  canoe   26 

PADDLES    . 26 

Information  contained  in  previous  accounts 26 

Additional  notes  on  the  paddle 27 

THE    CANOE-BAILER    27 

THE  WHALING  HARPOON  AND  ITS  ACCESSORY  DEVICES 29 

The  harpoon  shaft    29 

Information  contained  in  previous  accounts 29 

Additional  notes  on  the  harpoon  shaft 29 

The  harpoon  head 30 

Information  contained  in  previous  accounts 30 

Additional  notes  on  the  harpoon  head 31 

The  whaling  lanyard 34 

Notes  on  the  lanyard  contained  in  previous  accounts 34 

Buoys  or  floats .  .  .  = 34 

Features  of  the  sealskin  buoy  or  float  described  by  other  writers 34 

Lines  and   ropes 37 


croft  Library 

CONTENTS 

Page 

THE   WHALE-HUNT    38 

Religious  observances  connected  with  whale  hunting,  as  described  by  other 

writers     38 

Arrangement  of  equipment  for  whaling 41 

The  pursuit  of  the  whale 42 

Disposition  of  the  whale  carcass 45 

Religious  observances  connected  with  bringing  in  the  whale 46 

Method  of  navigation 47 

History  of  the  whaling  industry 47 

BIBLIOGRAPHY    ,  .  .  50 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

PLATES 

PLATE  1.  Making  a  "Chinook"  canoe. 

PLATE  2.  "Lighthouse  Joe/'  with  his  harpoon  and  buoys ;  a  canoe  under  sail. 

PLATE  3.  Along  the  Makah  coast. 

PLATE  4.  The  harpooned  whale. 

PLATE   5.      Removing  the  skin  from  a  whale  carcass;  baskets  for  carrying  harpoon- 
heads. 

PLATE  6.  Cutting  up  the  whale. 
PLATE  7.  The  last  of  the  whale. 
PLATE  8.  Head  of  the  whaling  harpoon. 

TEXT  FIGURES 

FIGURE    1.     Dugout  canoe  from  Northern  California  (Yurok  tribe). 

2.  Two  types  of  canoe  found  in  the  Pacific  Northwest;  a,  the  "North  Coast" 

model;  b,  the  "South  Coast"  or  Chinook  model. 

3.  Diagram  showing  the  nomenclature  of  the  canoe. 

4.  Diagram  showing  the  ornamentation  on  the  prow,  viewed  from  above. 

5.  The  shape  of  the  "Chinook"  canoe;  a,  the  appearance  of  the  bottom; 

b,  the  appearance  of  the  canoe  viewed  from  in  front. 

6.  Diagram  showing  the  cross-section  of  the  canoe. 

7.  Diagram  showing  the  lashing  which  holds  the  thwarts  in  place. 

8.  Canoe  sail  and  rigging. 

9.  Diagram  illustrating  the  weave  employed  in  a  sail  of  cedar-bark  matting. 

10.  Canoe-bailer  of  alder-wood;  a,  the  bailer;  b,  attachment  of  the  loop  or 

handle,  viewed  from  above;  c,  diagram  showing  how  the  bailer  is 
clutched  when  in  use. 

1 1 .  Tip  of  harpoon  shaft. 

12.  Diagram  showing  the  assembling  of  the  parts  of  the  whaling  harpoon- 

head,  a,  the  bone  "hafts"  or  barbs,  viewed  from  one  side;  b,  the  cut 
ting  edge  viewed  from  above ;  c,  the  complete  head. 

13.  The  float  or  buoy;  a,  the  complete  float  with  its  attachments;  b,  detail 

drawing  showing  the  nipple  and  plug  for  inflation. 

14.  Diagram  showing  the  arrangement  of  the  huntsmen  and  their  equipment 

in  the  whaling  canoe. 

15.  Diagram  showing  the  cutting-up  of  the  whale. 


INTRODUCTION 

The  present  study  was  undertaken  because  of  the  presence  for  a  time  in  the 
city  of  Seattle  of  a  member  of  the  Makah  tribe,  Mr.  C.  Peterson,  of  Neah  Bay.  Mr. 
Peterson  is  well  informed  concerning  the  life  of  his  people,  and  has  had  for  many 
years  a  certain  intellectual  interest  in  the  details  of  primitive  culture,  especially 
with  reference  to  his  own  group  at  Cape  Flattery.  The  State  Museum  on  the 
Campus  of  the  University  supplied  the  various  objects  described  below;  many  of  them 
being  specimens  collected  by  James  G.  Swan  at  Cape  Flattery  a  number  of  years  ago. 

Several  important  printed  works  have  appeared  in  the  past,  which  deal  with 
the  material  culture  of  the  Makah  or  their  close  neighbors.  These  works  are  cited 
in  detail  in  a  terminal  bibliography  on  page  50.  The  most  recent  of  them  is  the 
famous  series  of  volumes  entitled  "The  North  American  Indian,"  by  Edward  C. 
Curtis.  The  eleventh  volume  of  this  great  work,  dealing  specifically  with  the  Nootka 
and  the  Haida,  includes  numerous  notes  on  the  tribe  which  is  the  subject  of  the  pres 
ent  study.  A  much  earlier  work  by  another  author,  "The  Indians  of  Cape  Flattery," 
by  James  G.  Swan,  deals  with  a  larger  number  of  topics  than  does  the  book  by  Curtis, 
but  in  a  more  schematic  way.  Swan's  system  of  transliterating  Makah  words  is  less 
accurate  than  Curtis'  method.  The  most  important  paper  on  the  primitive  peoples 
of  this  region  is  a  monograph  by  Franz  Boas,  "The  Kwakiutl  of  Vancouver  Island." 
This  famous  work  contains  descriptions  of  devices  and  processes,  printed  in  the  form 
of  texts  in  the  native  Kwakiutl  dialect.  The  present  writer  has  not  dealt  in  detail 
with  any  of  those  matters  which  are  discussed  by  these  earlier  observers.  Where 
Boas  has  described  a  process,  for  example  that  of  separating  spruce  root  into  fibers, 
it  seems  unnecessary  to  go  into  that  particular  matter  again.  What  he  says  of 
technological  processes  among  the  Kwakiutl  is  practically  all  applicable  to  the  Makah. 
Boas'  description  is  incomparable  for  the  various  manufactures  and  the  detailed 
processes  involved  in  them.  Curtis'  principal  interest,  on  the  other  hand,  is 
in  ceremonies.  His  admirable  account  of  the  ceremonial  practices  performed  in  con 
nection  with  whaling,  as  carried  on  by  tribes  adjacent  to  the  Makah  (such  tribes  as 
the  Nootka,  Quilliute,  Quinault,  and  Kwakiutl),  presents  a  very  clear  pictuie.  What 
this  author  says  of  the  ceremonial  practices  of  neighboring  tribes  applies  perfectly 
well  to  the  Makah.  Where  the  accounts  of  these  previous  writers  overlap,  their  mate 
rial  is  summarized  and  put  in  the  form  of  an  abstract. 

The  photographs  illustrating  the  whaling  industry  are  the  work  of  Asahel 
Curtis,  Esq.,  of  Seattle,  successor  to  the  Romans  Photo  Company,  and  they  are 
reproduced  by  arrangement  with  him.  The  line  drawings  were  done  by  Sara 
Vinsonhaler  of  the  Department  of  Design  of  the  University  of  Washington. 

Alphabet  Used  in  Recording  Indian  Terms. — Many  sounds  occur  in  Makah 
which  are  not  present  in  English.  Swan1  spells  the  Indian  words  as  best  he  can  with 
the  ordinary  English  alphabet,  with  the  result  that  the  words  as  he  gives  them  often 
do  not  sound  like  Makah.  Curtis  has  a  more  complete  set  of  symbols.  His  list  does 

1  For  authorities  citofl,   s<>e  tlio  torinimil   HI  liography  on  p.    TO 


Waterman 


[Vol.  1 


not,  however,  represent  all  of  the  Makah  sounds.  To  describe  the  phonetic  elements 
of  this  dialect  seems  to  be  somewhat  troublesome;  unless  they  are  expounded  in 
physiological  terms  which  are  of  no  interest  to  the  casual  reader.  The  usual  resource 
on  the  part  of  authors  who  have  to  describe  sounds  such  as  these  is  to  avoid  "accurate" 
physiological  terms,  which  seem  uselessly  difficult;  using  instead  certain  "general" 
terms,  which,  in  most  cases  fail  to  convey  any  accurate  idea  of  the  sound  as  it  is 
spoken  by  the  Indian.  The  following  notes  may  serve  to  give  some  impression  of 
how  the  Makah  words  sound  to  the  present  writer.  I  think  practically  all  of  their 
spoken  sounds  are  here  represented. 


VOWKLS 


o. 


i,  as  in  machine 
i,  as  in  pin 
e,  as  in  fete 
e,  as  in  met 
a,  as  in  hat 


u,  as  in  rule 
v,  as  in  full 
o,  as  in  note 
o,  as  ou  in  ought 
a,  as  in  bar 


A,  as  in  but 


DIPHTHONGS 

ai,  as  in  aisle  oi,  as  in  boil 

SEMIVOWELS 

w,  y,  substantially  as  in  English 

CONSONANTS 


Labial-  Contin-  Affrica-  Affricative 

Stop          ized  stop     uant       tive        Nasal  Lateral     lateral 


c 

=0 

j 

."                           .e»                                     «o                     ?J                  si                        «o 

•2          *B        •!•          *Q        "8    *4S                e       "Q    e         ts     V3 
s«           t.^.           v.i.4.               g^s          ^s~ 

o           so           ss£               oso          so 
Ki            &5fei            ^jCcfc,                 ^2^0^0          &0t*4 

Labial 

P 

b 

p'                                                              m 

Dental 

t 

d 

t'                              s       ts    ts'           n        LI        tL    tL' 

Alveolar 

c       tc    tc' 

Palatal 

k 

g 

g'       kw    kw'        x 

•  Velar 

q 

y 

q'        qw    qw'        £ 

Glottal 

V 

The  consonants  are  sounded  approximately  as  they  are  in  English,  except  for 
the  following: 

Fortis  Sounds — These  are  "exploded"  or  "cracked"  consonants  produced  with 
the  vocal  organs  in  the  position  for  the  ordinary  sound,  but  with  hard  pressure.     The 


1920]  Makah  Indians  7 

release  is  very  sudden  but  the  rush  of  breath  is  slight.  The  combination  produces  a 
sharp  sound,  markedly  different  from  anything  in  English.  The  sound  itself  is  very 
brief,  but  the  firm  "closure"  which  precedes  it  is  often  prolonged.  As  indicated  in 
the  chart,  these  fortis  sounds  are  of  various  types  (p,  Tc,  t,  etc.),  and  are  of  frequent 
occurrence.  The  symbol  which  represents  them  (namely,  '),  is  explained  below. 

Labialized  Stops — The  nature  of  these  sounds  is  indicated  fairly  well  by  the 
symbols  chosen  to  represent  them. 

Continuant  Sounds — The  symbol  c  stands  for  a  simple  sound  which  is  represented 
in  English  usage  by  a  combination  of  two  symbols,  namely  s  and  h,  as  in  the  English 
word  "she."  The  x  indicates  a  sound  made  by  friction  of  the  breath  between  the 
back  part  of  the  tongue  and  the  palate,  as  in  German  ach.  This  sound  resembles 
ordinary  English  h,  except  that  the  friction  is  more  pronounced,  the  passage  between 
the  tongue  and  the  palate  being  greatly  narrowed. 

Affricative  Sounds — These  consist  essentially  of  a  continuant  preceded  by,  and 
"fused"  M'ith,  a  "stop."  The  symbol  ts  in  Makah  has  approximately  the  value  it  has 
in  English,  the  two  elements  being  pronounced  as  one  sound.  I  think  the  sound  is 
more  properly  represented  by  one  symbol,  but  no  convenient  symbol  exists.  As  is 
not  the  case  in  English,  this  ts  sound  in  Makah  is  very  frequent  at  the  beginning  of 
words.  The  tc  represents  the  combination  of  t  with  the  c  sound  described  above. 

Lateral  Sounds — One  sound  which  does  not  exist  in  English,  but  which  is 
extremely  frequent  in  Makah,  is  represented  by  L.  This  sound  has  the  same  rela 
tion  to  ordinary  I  that  English  p  has  to  English  b,  namely  the  organs  are  in  the  same 
position,  but  the  vocal  cords  are  not  employed.  Curtis  represents  the  sound  by  a 
combination  of  h  with  I.  This  combination  may  give  a  distant  hint  of  its  effect  on 
the  ear. 

Affricative-lateral  Sounds — These  have  the  same  relation  to  the  laterals  that  the 
ordinary  affricatives  have  to  the  stops ;  the  lateral  aff ricative,  namely,  is  a  lateral 
which  enters  into  combination  with,  and  is  "fused"  with,  a  "stop"  which  precedes  it. 

Velar  Sounds — These  sounds,  often  described  as  "gutterals,"  are  produced  very 
much  in  the  fashion  of  ordinary  k,  as  it  is  in  kick,  but  the  contact  is  much  further 
back  in  the  mouth.  A  little  practice  enables  an  English-speaking  person  to  produce 
these  sounds  without  any  difficulty.  The  "stop"  is  represented  by  q,  and  the  corre 
sponding  continuant  by  y. 

Glottal  Sounds — The  most  noteworthy  of  these  is  a  "glottal  stop"  (').  Be 
tween  vowels,  this  symbol  indicates  an  interruption  of  the  breath  by  a  closure  of  the 
larynx,  which  closure  is  achieved  by  drawing  the  vocal  cords  completely  across  the 
passage.  This  is  a  commonplace  action,  performed,  for  example,  in  the  process  of 
coughing.  When  used  in  connection  with  consonants,  this  symbol  represents  a 
"stress"  or  "explosiveness,"  in  which  a  glottal  closure  is  probably  one  factor.  The 
effect  of  this  explosion  produces  on  the  ear  a  "cracking"  of  the  consonant,  which  is 
very  noticeable  and  striking  in  the  speech  of  the  native  Indians. 


8  Waterman  [Vol.  1 

NOTE. — The  symbols  used  in  the  above  tabulation  are  based  on  the  report  of  the 
Committee  of  the  American  Anthropological  Association  on  the  phonetic  transcription 
of  Indian  languages.2  The  sounds  of  Makah  correspond,  almost  throughout,  to  the 
sounds  of  the  Kwakiutl  language  as  described  by  Boas  in  the  opening  pages  of  his 
monograph  already  mentioned.  The  sound  which  Boas  describes  as  resembling  ky 
and  which  he  writes  as  A:,  I  have  written  ky;  and  similarly  with  his  x,  etc.  I  heard 
both  s  and  c  in  Makah,  and  also  the  affricatives,  ts  and  tc,  although  in  Kwakiutl  only 
*  and  its  affricative  ts  occur.  What  Boas  says  of  the  other  sounds  of  Kwakiutl, 
seems  to  my  ear  to  apply  to  the  sounds  of  Makah.  As  with  Kwawiutl,  t,  d  and  s  are 
very  far  forward.  In  the  language  as  spoken  by  Mr.  Peterson,  they  were  actually 
dental. 

Other  Symbols  Employed — Prolongation  of  a  vowel  or  consonant  is  indicated  by 
(•),  a  period  above  the  line.  More  pronounced  prolongation  is  represented  by  a  colon 
( :)  following  the  symbol  for  the  sound.  A  period  between  two  vowels  indicates  that 
they  do  not  form  a  diphthong.  Long-continued  and  non-grammatical  prolongation,  as 
in  rhetorical  exclamations,  is  represented  by  4-. 

The  symbol  u  indicates  that  the  preceding  consonant  was  pronounced  with  an 
o  (or  «)  position  of  the  mouth.  Superior  letters  indicate  in  general  whispered  or 
weakly  articulated  sounds.  The  symbol  « )  indicates  the  presumable  derivation  of 
a  term;  or  marks  the  word  with  which  a  given  expression  is  associated  in  the  mind  of 
the  Indian.  I  am  not  sure  of  the  etymological  accuracy  of  all  of  these  derivations.  In 
many  cases  they  are  undoubtedly  correct.  In  explaining  the  meaning  of  Indian  terms, 
literal  translations  are  preceded  by  (:==)' 

Square  brackets  are  used,  as  they  are  ordinarily,  to  mark  the  writer's  editorial 
comments,  where  such  comments  are  necessary. 


-  See  "Report  on  the  phonetic  transcription  of  Indian  languagts,"  in  the  bibliography  on  p.   50  below. 


THE    "CHINOOK"    CANOE 

Probably  the  most  important  factor  in  the  whaling  industry  of  the  Makah  is  the 
canoe.  They  procure  their  food  supplies  for  the  most  part  from  the  open  sea.  In 
the  latitude  of  Cape  Flattery  the  Pacific  Ocean  is  very  boisterous,  and  good  boats 
coupled  with  good  seamanship  are  essential  for  a  seafaring  life.  The  hunting 
grounds  for  whales  lie  along  the  shore,  and  the  great  animals,  especially  certain 
species,  sometimes  come  quite  close  in,  but  on  the  other  hand  the  hunt  often  takes 
the  Indians  entirely  out  of  sight  of  land.  The  halibut  banks,  also,  which  are  the 
mainstay  of  their  existence,  and  more  important  from  the  point  of  view  of  their  food 
economy  than  is  the  killing  of  whales,  lie  from  five  to  thirty  miles  off  shore.  Under 
these  circumstances,  specialization  in  matters  connected  with  the  canoe  takes  on  the 
very  highest  importance.  Better  canoemen  than  the  Makah  have  probably  never 
existed.  I  learn  also  that  their  boats  deserve  the  very  highest  place  for  staunch  sea 
worthiness,  coupled  with  great  manageableness  and  speed. 

The  Makah  use  only  one  type  of  craft,  the  so-called  "Chinook"  canoe. 

This  type  of  canoe  is  a  dugout,  hewn,  except  for  a  superimposed  bow  and  stern 
pi<:ce,  from  one  cedar  log.  The  particular  model  which  is  popularly  spoken  of  as 
the  "Chinook"  canoe,  is  illustrated  in  Figure  2,  b.  The  use  of  this  model  is  charac 
teristic  of  the  whole  of  Puget  Sound,  and  of  a  region  stretching  some  distance  to  the 
north  and  south  along  the  coast.  I  am  not  familiar  with  the  exact  limits  of  the  area, 
but  the  Columbia  River  is  included  in  it  (Curtis,  Vol.  8,  Folio,  Plate  265  shows  that 
boats  of  this  type  are  used  by  the  Wishram,  living  at  the  great  cascades  of  this 
stream).  The  use  of  this  canoe  characterizes  the  whole  coast  of  Washington,  and  a 
large  part  of  the  west  coast  of  Vancouver  Island.  The  Nootka  and  Clayoquot,  near 
Nootka  Sound,  use  imposing  specimens  made  along  this  model.  In  fact,  there  is 
evidence  that  this  type  of  boat  originated  with  them.3  They  manufacture  a  large 
number  of  the  boats  which  are  in  use  at  the  present  day,  and  supply  them  to  the 
tribes  on  Puget  Sound  and  southward,  either  directly,  or  through  the  Makah.  As 
pointed  out  by  Swan,4  the  Makah  themselves  do  not  make  canoes  to  any  great  extent, 
because  their  territory  does  not  furnish  the  best  cedar.  They,  however,  depend 
upon  the  canoe  for  all  purposes,  including  the  winning  of  their  livelihood.  The 
"Chinook"  type  of  canoe  used  by  them  in  common  with  other  tribes  has  never  been 
adequately  described,  so  it  may  appropriately  be  taken  up  in  detail  here.  It  is  as 
much  used  by  the  Makah,  and  as  skillfully  handled,  as  by  any  tribe,  even  though 
they  do  not  as  a  visual  thing  manufacture  their  own  boats. 

THE   NAME   "CHINOOK^ 

This  word,  "Chinook,"  holds  a  high  place  in  the  affections  of  the  Northwest. 
Primarily  the  name  of  one  small  sub-tribe,  living  at  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  River, 
it  has  become  associated  through  historical  accident  not  only  with  a  type  of  canoe, 
but  also  with  a  certain  "jargon  language,"  and  with  a  warm  southwest  wind.  The 

8  Lewis,  1906,  p.  163. 
4  1870,  p.  36. 


10  Waterman  [Vol.  1 

wind  does  not  concern  us  here;  but  the  jargon  language  which  passess  commonly 
under  the  name  "Chinook,"  is,  like  the  canoe,  the  product  primarily  of  the  Nootka,5 
living  on  the  west  coast  of  Vancouver  Island,  many  hundreds  of  miles  to  the  north 
of  Chinook  territory.  The  term  Chinook  has  long  been  in  use,  in  connection  with  the 
"jargon,"  and  the  canoe,  and  I  think  this  usage,  in  spite  of  its  inaccuracy,  deserves 
to  be  followed. 

COMPARISON    WITH    CANOES    OF    OTHER    PARTS    OF    THE    PACIFIC    COAST 

There  is  a  good  deal  of  similarity  in  the  dugout  canoes  used  by  the  various  tribes 
along  the  whole  Pacific  Coast,  including  the  tribes  of  Southern  Alaska,  those  of 
Northern  California,  and  all  the  coast  tribes  in  between.  South  of  the  Columbia 
River,  however.  Indian  boats  are  not  very  large,  nor  are  they  at  all  seaworthy.  They 
are  built  on  what  the  northern  Indians  would  call  a  "shovel-nose"  model.  The  bot 
tom,  that  is  to  say,  is  rounded  in  cross  section,  but  somewhat  flatter  toward  the  bow 
and  the  stern,  which  are  cut  off  square,  as  in  the  "punt"  of  civilized  communities. 
These  squared  ends  are  crowned  up  in  a  sort  of  peak,  to  relieve  their  clumsy  appear 
ance,  and  among  the  California  tribes  a  carven  ornament  rides  upon  the  prow.  Such 
boats  are  excellent  for  quiet  water,  and  are  quite  speedy,  but  the  Indian  takes  his 
life  in  his  hands  if  he  goes  very  far  to  sea  in  one  of  them.  This  is  the  type  of  craft 
which  the  great  Vancouver  mentions,  in  connection  with  his  exploration  at  Port 
Or  ford,  in  Oregon,  in  the  year  1792: 

"Their  canoes,  calculated  to  carry  about  eight  people,  were  rudely  wrought  out 
of  a  single  tree;  their  shape  much  resembled  that  of  a  butcher's  tray,  and  seemed  very 
unfit  for  a  sea  voyage  or  any  distant  expedition." 


FIG.  1 — Dugout  canoe  from  Northern  California  (Yurok  tribe),  University  of  California,  Museum  of  Anthropology, 
Catalog  Number  1/1700.     Length,   18  feet    (5.99  meters). 

•     •  See  Meany,  1907,  p.  44. 
«1798,  Vol.  1,  p.  204. 


19201 


Makah  Indians 


11 


This  type  of  boat  is  the  one  used  at  the  present  time  by  the  Yurok  along  the 
Klamath  River,  in  Northern  California,  and  by  their  neighbors.  Figure  1  shows  a 
characteristic  Yurok  specimen.  This  is  exactly  what  we  would  expect  to  find,  if  a 
knowledge  of  navigation,  and  a  specialized  industry  in  canoe-making,  had  become 
gradually  diffused  southward  from  a  center  somewhere  north  of  the  Columbia  River. 

The  same  general  type  of  craft  is  known  along  the  coast  of  Washington,  and  a 
close  relative  is  found  among  the  tribes  of  British  Columbia,  but  it  is  used  only  in 
navigating  estuaries,  rivers,  sloughs,  creeks  and  other  quiet  waters.  In  other  words, 
as  we  go  southward,  the  size  of  canoes  diminishes  and  we  find  fewer  models  in  use, 
until  in  northern  California  but  one  type,  and  that  a  relativesly  poor  one,  has  survived. 

The  "Chinook"  canoe  is  in  many  ways  an  excellent  model.  It  is  very  large,  is 
pointed  at  both  ends,  and  carries  lofty  carved  prow  and  stern  pieces.  It  is  perfectly 
"fit"  for  use  on  the  high  seas.  On  the  eastern  coast  of  Vancouver  Island,  and  north 
ward  among  the  Indians  of  the  British  Columbia  coast  and  Alaska,  a  slightly  differ 
ent  type  of  canoe  is  in  use.  This  northern  craft  differs  enough  in  externals  of  design 
from  the  one  last  mentioned  to  be  easily  distinguishable.  If  we  call  the  second  the 
"Chinook"  model,  we  may  speak  of  this  third  type  perhaps  as  the  "Northern"  model. 
These  "Northern"  canoes,  of  which  the  Haida  make  probably  the  best  specimens, 
are  very  large  in  size,  exceeding  the  "Chinook"  specimens  (though  the  latter  in 
extreme  cases  reach  a  length  of  fifty  feet  or  more).  The  northern  boat  is  also  more 
elaborately  ornamented.  The  main  differences  in  shape  are  that  the  northern  model 
has  a  vertical  cutwater,  and  an  oblique  stern,  while  the  Chinook  model  has  a  sloping 
cutwater,  and  is  vertical  at  the  stern.  These  differences  are  illustrated  in  Figure  2. 


a.  Bow 


b.  Stern. 

NORTH    COAST    MODEL. 


c.  Cross  section  amidships. 


/.  Cross  section  amidships. 


e  Stern. 

CHINOOK    MODEL 

FIG.   2.—  Two  types  of  sea-going  canoe  found  in  the  Pacific  Northwest. 

The  "northern"  model  is  drawn  from  a  Haida  specimen  (University  of  Wash 
ington,  State  Museum,  Accession  No.  271);  the  "Chinook"  model  is  from  a  minia 
ture  canoe  made  of  alder,  Makah  tribe  (Catalog  Number  2658). 


12  Waterman  [Vol.  1 

The  difference  just  mentioned  has  been  pointed  out  by  previous  writers.  Niblack 
in  Plate  34  of  his  "Coast  Indians  of  Southern  Alaska,"  illustrates  it  with  a  plate.  In 
his  drawing,  however,,  he  has  turned  his  Haida  boat  end  for  end,  placing  the  stern 
where  the  bow  ought  to  be.  This  misrepresentation  may  be  the  error  of  his  draftsman. 
Niblack's  own  remarks,  however  (on  page  295  of  his  work),  seem  to  indicate  that 
the  two  ends  of  the  boat  are  confused  with  each  other  in  his  memory.  The  bow  of  the 
Haida  boat,  as  may  be  noticed  in  Figure  2  on  this  page,  does  at  first  glance  seem 
to  be  designed  for  a  stern.  The  best  canoes  in  this  Northwestern  region,  whether  of 
the  northern  or  the  Chinook  model,  show  an  outward  "flare"  in  the  side  just  below 
the  gunwale.  The  Makah  boats  exhibit  this  feature,  and  Curtis  mentions  it  as  charac 
terizing  the  canoes  of  Puget  Sound  (Curtis,  Vol.  9,  p.  60).  Its  purpose  is  to  keep 
waves  from  curling  into  the  boat  in  rough  weather.  It  hardly  seems  that  so  slight  a 
protection  could  have  much  effect,  yet  I  am  assured  that  the  presence  of  the  flare 
makes  the  boat  behave  quite  differently  in  a  sea.  The  Makah  say  that  the  "northern" 
or  Haida  boats  lack  this  feature.  Niblack,  on  the  other  hand  (p.  295  of  his  work), 
says  that  the  northern  models  have  it,  while  the  Makah  or  "Chinook"  specimens  lack 
it.  The  truth  very  likely  is  that  the  use  of  this  flare  depends  upon  the  skill  of  the 
individual  carpenter.  The  only  Haida  canoe  which  I  have  had  a  chance  to  examine 
(a  University  of  Washington  specimen),  did  not  have  this  feature.  I  doubt,  however. 
in  view  of  Niblack's  remarks,  that  the  lack  of  it  is  characteristic  of  any  particular 
tribe.  The  "northern"  boats,  says  Niblack,  "have  projecting  prows,  high,  spur- 
shaped  sterns,  flaring  gunwales,  and  a  gracefully  rounding  or  curving  cross-section, 
although  without  any  distinct  keel.  The  latter  have  the  blunt,  straight  stern,  a  grace 
fully  curving  bow,  but  a  flat  bottom,  with  little  curve  in  the  cross-section."  This  type 
is  "heavier,  roomier,  stronger,  less  cranky,  and  more  durable  than  the  Haida  type, 
but  the  latter  is  swifter,  handier,  and  more  buoyant."  The  present  writer's  Makah 
informant  says  that  the  Haida  canoe  is  not  so  "dry"  as  the  Makah  boat,  nor  is  the 
Haida  boat,  they  say,  so  easy  to  handle.  The  Makah  canoe  ships  no  water  except  in 
the  wildest  weather,  and  is  even  then  easily  kept  free  with  a  bailer  (for  this  ingenius 
utensil  see  below  page  27).  The  Haida  canoe,  possibly  on  account  of  its  high  stern, 
is  said  to  be  particularly  good  in  a  following  sea. 

"RATING"  OF  CANOES 

As  remarked  above,  most  of  the  tribes  of  the  Pacific  Northwest  have  various 
styles  of  craft,  for  use  under  special  circumstances.  For  example,  they  often  have 
flat-bottomed  and  blunt-nosed  canoes  for  use  in  still  waters,  and  along  creeks  and 
rivers.  The  Makah  spend  their  time  in  the  turbulent  waters  around  their  cape,  and 
use  their  sharp-nosed  sea-going  Chinook  canoes  practically  to  the  exclusion  of  every 
thing  else.  The  only  variant  is  a  small  wide  boat,  "with  a  stern  at  both  ends,"  which 
is  used  by  young  people  before  they  can  be  trusted  to  handle  the  big  canoes.  They 
use,  however,  various  sizes  of  canoes.  The  general  term  for  canoe  is  tc'A'p.Ats 
(Chap-ats,  in  the  notation  given  by  Swan).  Niblack  mentions  four  ratings  as  gen 
erally  recognized  among  the  Indians":  (1)  Hunting  and  fishing  canoes,  (2)  family 

7  1888,   p.    294. 


1920]  Makah  Indians  13 

and  transportation  canoes,  (3)  voyaging  canoes,  and  (4)  war  canoes.  Swan8  groups 
the  canoes  of  the  Makah  into  four  classes.  The  spelling  and  accent  of  the  native 
terms  for  these  ratings  differ  on  different  pages  of  this  work.  They  are  as  follows : 
(1)  The  whaling  canoe,  pa-dau-t'hl  (p.  21),  pah-dow-thl  (p.  95)  ;  (2)  the  canoe 
for  six  persons,  bo-kwis-tat  (p.  21),  bo-kwis-tat  (p.  95);  (3)  a  smaller  canoe, 
a-tlis-tat  (p.  21),  ar-tlis-tat  (p.  95);  (4)  a  very  small  canoe  used  for  fishing, 
ta-ka-au-da  (p.  21),  ta-kaow-dah  (p.  95). 

NOTE. — Swan's  pa-dau-t'hl  is  probably  pada'wiL,=outfit,  or  equipment.  The 
term  probably  refers  to  the  equipment  of  floats,  lines,  tow-ropes,  and  harpoons,  with 
which  the  whaling  canoe  is  laden.  His  term  for  the  second  type,  bo-kwis-tat,  is  ex 
plained  by  my  informant  as  bu-kyi'st,  bu  =  four,  kytst  =  inside.  It  would  seem  to  be 
properly  a  descriptive  expression  for  canoes  carrying  four  persons,  not  six.  His 
term  a-tlfs-tat,  I  cannot  identify.  His  term  for  the  "very  small  canoe,"  "te-ka-au-da. 
is  apparently  tek'eodi'yak  (=  in  the  middle  one  sits).  The  craft  was  so  small 
that  one  could  not  sit  in  the  stern  without  capsizing. 

Curtis  mentions  two  sorts  of  canoes,  the  whaling  canoe,  "oo'tahsets,"  and  the 
war  canoe,  "wi-tuk-ests." 

According  to  my  informant  there  are  seven  "ratings"  as  follows: 
The  "freight"  canoe,  ci'tLats.  This  craft  is  the  largest  made.  Such  canoes 
are  employed  when  people  are  moving  their  effects  from  one  locality  to  another.  In 
some  cases  even  the  house  timbers  are  loaded  into  the  canoe,  or  towed  along  behind. 
Occasionally  two  or  three  canoes  are  lashed  side  by  side,  and  the  house  planks  laid 
across  them  to  make  a  platform,  spaces  being  left  between  the  planks  to  accommodate 
the  paddlers.  The  Makah  do  not  often  resort  to  this  device.  If  a  squall  comes  up 
the  lashings  have  to  be  cast  off,  or  the  canoes  soon  fill. 

The  "war"  canoe,  witA'ksAts  (tAkwi'dak — war).  This  is  given  by  Curtis 
(Vol.  11,  p.  179)  as  wi-tuk-ests.  The  craft  is  also  known  as  the  tLe'iks  (=  expe 
dition,  or  errand,  boat).  It  is  somewhat  smaller  than  the  preceding,  and  has  much 
less  width  of  beam,  in  proportion  to  its  length.  It  is  used  in  warfare,  for  making 
ceremonial  visits,  in  connection  with  marriages  and  feasts,  and  is  employed  for  all 
extended  trips.  Canoes  of  this  kind  combine  seaworthiness  with  speed,  but  could  not 
carry  much  cargo  without  great  inconvenience. 

The  "whaling"  canoe.  The  bottom  of  this  craft  is  4^  "stretches"  of  the  builder's 
arms  in  length. 

The  "three  people"  canoe,  atLA'kwodiyak.  This  term  is  said  to  be  descriptive 
of  the  position  of  the  men  in  the  canoe,  namely,  two  men  forward,  paddling,  with  a 
steersman  in  the  sternsheets. 

The  "sealing"  canoe,  ye'cabAqAts  ("for  two  men").  In  pursuing  the  seal,  one 
man  paddled  while  the  other  planted  himself  in  the  bow  with  the  harpoon  in  readi 
ness.  This  general  method  is  the  one  employed  by  civilized  sealers  at  the  present, 
each  boat  carrying  a  "boat-puller,"  and  a  "hunter,"  the  latter  with  a  rifle.  The 
sealing  canoe  is  carefully  designed  so  that  it  does  not  splash  the  water  as  it  sur 
mounts  the  waves.  It  carries  a  "knife-blade"  at  each  end,  which  cuts  the  water  (see 

8  1870,  pp.  21,  95. 


14  Waterman  [Vol.  1 

below  page  19.  The  seal  are  very  alert  and  a  boat  which  squatters  over  the 
swells  causes  them  to  take  alarm.  This  canoe  measures  along  the  bottom  3l/2 
"stretches"  of  the  arms,  from  tip  to  tip  of  the  fingers. 

The  "one  man"  canoe,  tek'eodi'yak  (=in  the  middle  one  sits).  This  is  men 
tioned  in  the  note  above.  It  accomodates  one  person  only. 

The  "children's  canoe/'  hupt'duwac  «hu'ped  —  salmon-trout).  This  craft 
is  small  and,  as  the  Indians  say,  "has  a  stern  at  both  ends."  In  other  words,  both 
stern  and  bow  are  finished  off  with  a  carven  piece  like  the  one  represented  in  Figure 
1.  This  boat  is  paddled  about  by  children,  for  practice. 

THE    HULL    OF    THE    CANOE 

Features  of  the  hull  described  by  other  writers 

NOTE. — Fairly  complete  accounts  of  the  splitting  out  and  hollowing  of  the 
canoe  are  given  both  by  Swan  and  Niblack.  Swan's  especially  is  an  excellent  de 
scription,  in  outline.  Niblack's  account  concerns  primarily  the  Coast  Indians  of 
Southern  Alaska  and  British  Columbia,  but  what  he  says  applies  in  large  part  to 
the  Makah  also.  This  description  is  not  as  full  as  the  preceding  one. 

Curtis'  passages  on  this  matter  add  little  to  the  ones  previously  written.  This 
author  does  not  seem  as  a  rule  to  be  much  interested  in  technological  processes. 

A  very  full  description  of  the  shaping  of  a  canoe  hull,  a  description  which  is 
admirable  in  every  way,  and  extremely  graphic,  is  the  one  by  Boas  (Vol.  5,  Part  2, 
1909,  pp.  344-369).  This  is  a  remarkable  account,  in  Kwakiutl  and  English,  of 
all  the  operations  of  canoe-making,  including  the  ceremonial  observances  connected 
with  it. 

The  Felling  of  the  Timber  of  the  Canoe — A  cedar  tree  for  canoe-making  is 
selected  with  elaborate  care,  holes  being  bored  to  test  its  soundness  (Boas,  p.  344). 
It  is  felled  near  a  water-way  (Niblack,  p.  297).  The  carpenter  "makes  it  fall" 
on  a  favorable  spot  by  throwing  chips  there;  and  he  calls  a  warning  to  the  tree, 
when  he  hears  the  wood  cracking,  to  go  down  gently  (Boas,  p.  344). 

Shaping  of  the  Hull — The  log  is  cut  to  the  length  required  for  the  canoe  by 
the  use  of  mauls  and  wedges.  The  sap  wood  is  split  off,  and  the  top  side  of  the 
log  is  removed  slab  by  slab  to  the  level  of  the  gunwales.  Then  the  section  of  log 
is  turned  over  and  the  bottom  of  the  canoe  hewn  out.  Then  it  is  reversed  again  and 
the  interior  removed  in  slabs.  When  roughly  shaped  it  is  towed  home  and  turned 
bottom  side  up,  to  receive  the  final  finish  (Boas,  19,  pp.  344-346;  Swan,  1870,  pp. 
35,  36;  Niblack,  1888,  p.  297). 

The  different  sections  are  adzed  out  in  regularly  prescribed  order  (Boas,  1909, 
pp.  359-369;  Figure  63,  on  p.  349  of  his  work).  The  thickness  of  the  sides  of  the 
canoe  is  one  finger's  width  near  the  top,  one  and  one-half  finger's  width  midway 
of  the  side,  and  two  fingers'  width  at  the  bottom  (Boas,  p.  363). 

Designing — The  proper  length  for  canoes  for  different  purposes  is  established 
by  tribal  custom  (Boas,  p.  350),  and  is  measured  by  fathoms  (a  fathom  being  the 
"reach"  of  the  maker,  the  widest  stretch  of  his  arms).  The  curves  of  the  canoe 
are  made  entirely  by  the  eye  (Swan,  p.  36).  The  thickness  of  the  sides  is  gauged 
by  placing  one  hand  on  the  inside,  the  other  on  the  outside  and  passing  them  over 
the  work  (Swan,  p.  36),  or  by  drilling,  here  and  there,  numerous  small  holes,  which 
are  later  plugged  with  cedar  pegs  (Boas,  p.  360). 

•Tools — The  instruments  consist  of  hand-adzes,  long-handled  adzes    (both  with 
blades  of  stone),  wedges  of  yew-wood  bound  with  cedar  withes  to  prevent  splitting, 


1920]  Makah  Indians  15 

mauls  of  stone   (Niblack,  p.  297),  bone  drills,  polishing  materials,  and  chisels   of 
mussel-shell  (Swan,  p.  36). 

A  complete  account  of  each  of  these  tools  is  given  by  Boas,  pp.  319-327. 
Widening  the  Canoe — When  the  log  is  small,  the  sides  of  the  canoe  are  widened 
out  with  the  aid  of  heat  (Swan,  p.  36).  Fresh  water  is  poured  into  the  canoe  to 
the  depth  of  four  fingers.  Into  this,  red-hot  stones  are  dropped,  by  means  of  tongs. 
When  the  water  is  hot,  it  is  sprinkled  all  over  the  inner  surface  of  the  sides  with 
a  bailer  (Boas,  pp.  364-366).  The  outside  of  the  hull  is  warmed  by  nearby  fires 
of  bark  (Swan,  p.  36;  Curtis,  Vol.  9,  p.  60)  or  by  scorching  with  celar  splints 
(Boas,  p.  366).  When  the  wood  is  "heated  through,"  special  struts  of  plank  are 
placed  crosswise  in  the  hull,  and  pounded  home  with  a  maul.  This  spreads  the  sides 
of  the  canoe,  in  some  cases  as  much  as  ten  inches  or  a  foot.  Permanent  thwarts 
are  then  lashed  into  place  (Boas,  p.  366-367;  see  below,  page  21). 

Bow  and  Stern  Pieces — The  characteristic  feature  in  the  canoes  of  the  North 
west  are  bold  and  striking  bows  and  sterns.  These  consist  of  separate  pieces, 
hewn  out  of  logs  and  joined  to  the  hull  by  dowells  and  lashings  (Curtis,  Vol.  9, 
p.  60;  Swan,  p.  36).  The  joining  of  these  additional  parts  to  the  hull  is  so  close 
and  well  done  that  they  are  water  tight  without  caulking.  This  careful  fitting  is 
accomplished  by  rubbing  the  hull  where  the  extra  piece  is  to  be  fitted  on  with 
grease  and  charcoal.  The  bow-piece  is  then  seated  exactly  in  place.  When  re 
moved,  those  parts,  which  have  been  blackened  by  contact  with  the  opposite  surface, 
are  adzed  down,  and  the  process  is  repeated  until  the  bow-piece  fits  smoothly  along 
its  whole  length  (Swan,  p.  37). 

Thwarts — These  consist  among  the  Makah  of  round  poles  (Swan,  p.  36). 
Among  the  Kwawiutl  they  are  narrow  planks,  three  fingers  wide  with  a  thickness  of 
one  finger  (Boas,  p.  366).  Among  the  Makah  they  are  fastened  in  place  with 
cedar  withes,  which  pass  through  perforations  in  the  side  of  the  boat  (Swan,  p. 
36;  Curtis,  Vol.  9,  p.  60).  For  the  details,  see  p.  21  below. 

Taboos — Boas  mentions  the  following  rules  observed  by  the  canoe-builder:  He 
avoids  contact  with  the  opposite  sex  (p.  344)  ;  otherwise  he  finds  rotten  places  in 
the  wood  from  which  he  is  shaping  the  hull.  He  does  not  comb  his  hair  (p.  345)  ; 
otherwise  the  ends  of  his  canoe  become  split.  Also,  he  does  not  permit  anybody 
to  look  when  he  is  heating  the  hull  and  spreading  the  sides  (p.  347)  ;  for  that  may 
cause  the  canoe  to  split  open.  Similar  rules  are  scrupulously  observed  by  the  Makah. 

Paint — The  inside  of  the  canoe  is  colored  with  a  "paint"  composed  of  fish-oil, 
or  seal-oil,  and  ochre,  or  "Indian  red"  (Swan,  p.  37).  This  red  ochre  is  obtained 
from  a  deposit  in  the  territory  of  the  Quilliute  tribe,  along  the  Quilliute  River 
(Swan,  p.  17).  Sometimes  charcoal  is  mixed  with  oil  and  rubbed  on  the  outside  of 
the  hull.  More  commonly  the  hull  is  charred  or  scorched  with  lighted  cedar  splits, 
as  described  below  (page  22;  Swan,  p.  37).  Blue  clay  instead  of  ochre  seems 
to  have  been  used  in  the  Puget  Sound  region  (Curtis,  Vol.  9,  p.  61). 

Carving — On  the  flat  surface  at  the  tip  of  the  bow-piece,  transverse  grooves 
are  gouged,  to  make  an  ornamental  pattern  of  parallel  lines.  (See  P'igure  4  below, 
p.  17).  Sometimes  a  pair  of  large  round  holes  are  cut  through  the  bow-piece 
just  below  the  tip  (Niblack,  Plate  34,  upper  figure,  represents  this  feature).  A 
square-looking  ornament,  carved  in  relief,  may  be  seen  on  the  bow  of  most  canoes 
some  distance  down  on  the  neck  (inaccurately  indicated  by  Plate  34  of  Niblick  and 
Figure  18  of  Swan;  various  plates  of  Curtis'  work  also  show  this  ornament).  The 
prow  terminates  in  a  carving  which,  according  to  Boas  (p.  444),  resembles  a  bird's 
nest,  but  according  to  Curtis  "has  an  accidental  resemblance  to  a  dog's  head" 
(Vol.  9,  p.  60).  The  form  of  carving  is  fixed  by  custom,  but  has  no  symbolic 
meaning. 


16 


Similar  incised  lines  are  found  in  the  "throat"  of  the  prow,  and  on  the  stern- 
piece;  the  parallel  incised  lines  of  carving  are  carried  from  bow  to  stern  along  the 
inside  of  the  canoe,  below  the  gunwale.  [Something  similar  to  this  is  mentioned  by 
Curtis,  Vol.  9,  p.  60.] 


66' 


I) 


ti 


12 


14 
-11 


FIG.  3 — Diagram  showing  the  nomenclature  of  the  canoe. 


11,  11' 


1. 

2,22. 
3,3. 

4a. 
4&. 

5. 

6,6. 
12. 

8. 

9. 

10. 
11". 
12. 
13. 
14. 


A. 
B. 
C. 
D. 

E. 
F. 


Parts  of  the  hull 

Carved  bow-piece,  kwAqu'b  (=sits  at  the  bow). 

Joint,  or  "scarf,"  where  the  prow  is  joined  to  the  hull  (tabi'uqw). 

Perforations,    connected   by   transverse    grooves,    which    accommodate 

the  necessary  lashings. 
Projecting  ornament,  q'ada'do  (=uvula). 

Incised  ornamentation  consisting  of  parallel  lines,  tsu'tsu  (=scratches). 
Forward  projection  of  the  prow,  le'kw'iLtAb  (=tongue  stiking  out). 
Tip  ends  of  the  gunwales,  ihi'qaAL  (=ears). 
After-end  of  the  gunwale  strip. 
A  thwart,  tap'ab  (=brace). 
Space  between  the  forward   pair  of  thwarts,  tL'asu'b — Ats    (=mast- 

holder). 

Gunwale-strip,  tL'e'ixats  (=paddle-piece). 
Joint,  or  scarf,  where  the  stern-piece  is  fastened  to  the  hull. 
After-end  of  the  gun-wale  strip. 

Carven  stern-piece,  kwa'a'ktLib  (=sitting  at  the  stern). 
Incised  ornamentation  resembling  4fe. 

Names  for  the  "spaces"  bet-ween  the  thwarts 

hitA'kwAd  (Swan,  pp.  21,  95,  he-tuk-wad,  hey-tuks-wad). 
kaqai'yuwaxs  (Swan,  loc.cit  ka-kai-woks,  kah-kai-zvoks}. 
tc'eL-'kduwAxs  (Swan,  loc.cit.  cha-t'hluk-dos,  chah,-thlik-do-as). 


liitA'kststAxs  (=inside  place). 
tL'i'tcn  (=stern). 


ADDITIONAL    NOTES    ON    THE    HULL 

Bow  and  Stern  Pieces 


When  the  canoe  is  small,  the  whole  hull  is  carved  from  one  piece.  In  the  craft 
of  greater  size,  large  additional  pieces,  called  in  general  si'kwAb="sitting  pieces" 
(<kwa-sa=to  sit),  are  fastened  on  to  the  hull.  These  added  sections  are  designed 
with  great  elegance,  and,  as  described  by  Swan  (p.  36),  are  fitted  to  the  canoe  with 
exquisite  care.  The  bow-piece,  kwAqu'b,  is  rough-hewn  from  a  cedar  log,  to  the 


1920] 


Makah  Indians 


17 


proper  dimensions.  On  the  hull  a  "scarf/'  tabi'dz>qw  (="joint")  is  prepared,  into 
which  the  bow-piece  exactly  fits.  In  some  cases  shoulders  in  this  scarf  prevent  the 
bow-piece  from  slipping  when  it  is  once  in  place.  In  other  cases  a  large  curving 
socket  is  cut  in  the  bow  of  the  boat,  and  the  bow-piece  carved  so  as  to  fit  in.  Plate 
l,b,  shows  a  carpenter  fitting  such  a  bow-piece  on  his  boat.  Holes  are  drilled  into 
the  edges  of  both  elements,  carefully  matched  as  to  position.  Cedar  pegs  or 
"dowells,"  tLA'p'tqAb  «tL'tla'pa  =  to  hammer)  are  then  used  to  fasten  the  two 
together.  The  work  is  so  well  done  that  the  hull  and  the  additions  to  it  seem  to  be 
all  in  one  piece.  The  "auger"  for  boring  holes  consists  of  a  bone  blade  set  in  a 
handle  and  twirled  between  the  palms.  This  drill  is  described  and  figured  by  Boas 
(p.  323  of  his  work). 

These  bow  and  stern  pieces  are  very  carefully  designed  with  a  view  to  artistic 
effect.  They  add  very  markedly  to  the  gracefulness  of  the  boat.  Moreover,  they 
carry  out  and  round  off  the  lines  of  the  hull,  and  lend  a  very  "finished"  effect.  The 
flat  gunwales  of  the  canoe  are  carried  or  "lifted"  to  meet  the  top  of  the  bow  piece, 
producing  a  fine  sweeping  curve,  and  are  cut  off  square  at  their  extremity.  What 
seems  to  be  a  notch  between  them,  Figure  5,  fo,  and  as  seen  in  Plate  1,  b,  is  really  a 
trench  or  groove.  This  trench  is  in  origin  a  continuation  of  the  floor  of  the  canoe, 
which  becomes  V-shaped  at  the  bow  and  rises  up  to  meet  the  gunwales.  The  corners 


FIG.  4 — Diagram  showing  the  prow  of  the  Chinook  canoe,  viewed  from  above. 

a,  notch  where  the  point  of  the  harpoon  rests;  b,  the  scratch  ornamentation;  c,  the 
tongue,  or  wedge-shaped  projection;  d,  the  gunwale. 


18  Waterman  [Vol.  1 

of  the  projecting  prow  are  called  the  thi'qabAL,  (=the  edge  or  margin  of  a  person's 
ear).  The  harpoon  point  rests  in  this  notch  when  the  Indians  are  after  whale  or 
porpoise.  Perhaps  the  most  striking  element  in  the  prow  is  a  carven  "snout,"  which 
projects  out  in  front  of  the  "ears."  It  is  called  le'kw'iLtAb,  "tongue  sticking  out" 
(<leka  :'i.k  =  "tongue")  ;  and  gives  the  prow  exactly  the  appearance  of  an  animal's 
head.  The  Indians  say  that  this  carving  represents  nothing  at  all,  and  is  merely  "for 
looks."  The  life-like  "effect"  of  the  ornamentation  is  increased  by  the  "cock"  of  the 
prow,  the  whole  canoe  having  an  air  of  alertness,  as  though  it  were  alive  and  moving 
of  its  own  accord.  The  Indian's  consciousness  of  the  canoe  as  an  artistic  whole,  and 
his  anxiety  for  effect,  is  shown  by  the  carving  of  the  projecting  ornamentation  which 
is  visible  on  the  neck  of  the  canoe,  some  distance  below  the  snout.  It  is  called 
q'ada'ds,  "uvula"  (the  organ  which  projects  downward  from  the  soft  palate,  in  the 
back  of  the  mouth  cavity).  The  Indians  say  that  the  boat  "looks  bad,"  unless  there 
is  something  at  this  point  to  break  the  line  of  the  prow.  The  loving  care  they  expend 
on  the  making  of  the  canoe  is  also  shown  by  a  decoration  consisting  of  lightly  incised 
lines.  Across  the  flat  surface  leading  back  from  the  "ears"  is  an  ornamentation  con 
sisting  of  parallel  grooves,  called  tsu'tstsu  «tsuts  =  scratch:  tsu  =  to  finish  off). 
This  "scratch  ornamentation"  is  shown  in  Figure  4. 

Where  the  longitudinal  groove  begins  to  widen  out  to  make  the  body  of  the  boat, 
a  wedge-shaped  tongue  (Figure  4,  e)  is  invariably  carved.  This  again  is  merely  "to 
give  finish."  From  this  tongue,  horizontal  grooves  called  tsu'tsi.i'dAb  (tsuts  =  to 
scratch;  i'dAb  =  gunwale),  extend  along  the  inside  of  the  boat  just  below  the  gun 
wale,  clear  to  the  stern.  They  are  purely  for  ornament,  but  like  the  other  features, 
are  found  in  this  same  unvarying  form  in  all  good  canoes.  This  ornamentation  is 
made  with  a  special  tool  resembling  a  reamer. 

The  stern-piece,  kwa'a'ktLib  (=  sits  on  the  stern),  is  not  so  large  as  the  bow- 
piece,  nor  (as  might  perhaps  be  expected)  is  it  so  elaborately  ornamented.  But  it  is 
most  appropriately  designed  to  "fit"  its  place,  and  merges  admirably  into  the  general 
design  of  the  canoe.  I  do  not  see  how  anything  could  better  illustrate  the  Indian's 
eye  for  effect  than  the  care  taken  in  designing  this  modest  and  inconspicuous  stern- 
post.  Like  the  bow-piece,  it  is  painstakingly  carpentered,  and  dowelled  and  lashed 
into  place. 

When  the  boat  needs  mending,  sections  of  plank  or  patches  are  set  into  the 
side.  Such  an  inset  or  patch  is  called  qwAb,  or  tL'as"i  «tLa'sak=an  addition). 
Old  boats  are  likely  to  be  much  patched,  as  the  result  of  the  weathering  and  crack 
ing  of  the  wood,  and  hard  usage. 

I  have  tried  to  indicate  my  sense  of  the  artistic  skill  shown  in  the  designing  of 
these  "sitting  pieces."  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  their  purpose  is,  nevertheless, 
primarily  not  aesthetic.  The  upreared  bow-piece  is  put  there  to  throw  aside  the  seas 
into  which  the  canoe  is  driven.  If  it  were  not  there,  every  sea  which  the  boat 
encountered  would  come  right  aboard.  The  stern-piece  has  a  similar  function  and 
increases  the  seaworthiness  of  the  boat  tremendously.  The  bow-piece  is  much  the 
larger  of  the  two  for  obvious  reasons,  since  the  boat  rides  a  following  sea  much  more 
easilv  than  the  seas  which  are  met  solidly,  head-on.  In  beaching  a  canoe,  the  Makah 


1920] 


Makah  Indians 


19 


always  ride  in  stern-foremost.  I  think  this  is  on  account  of  the  fine  protection  against 
heavy  seas  that  is  afforded  by  the  bow.  Both  bow  and  stern-pieces  are  so  slender  that 
they  hardly  seem  adequate  to  keep  off  the  seas  (see  Figure  5,  fe).  They  have  prob 
ably  been  reduced,  as  the  result  of  long  usage,  to  the  slenderest  design  which  will 
fulfill  the  purpose.  Yet  even  in  their  present  form  they  are  highly  useful.  I  dare  say 
that  their  reduction  to  their  present  slender  proportions  has  been  equally  for  the 
artistic  effect  of  delicacy,  and  for  the  practical  consideration  of  reducing  the  total 
weight  of  the  boat.  The  Indians  have  reached  in  this  feature  of  the  canoe  what 
seems  to  my  mind  the  highest  artistic  success,  the  making  of  what  is  a  commonplace 
and  practical  contrivance,  also  artistically  beautiful. 


FIG.  R — The  shape  of  the  "Chinook"  canoe. 

a,  the  hull  below  the  water  line;  b,  the  appearance  of  the  canoe  from  in  front.      At 
points  Nos.  1  and  2  in  the  upper  figure  the  bottom  narrows  into  a  sort  of  knife-blade. 

THE   SHAPE   OF   THE    HULL 

The  under  side  of  the  boat  (Fig.  5,  a)  has  some  interesting  features,  from  the 
standpoint  of  design.  From  the  point  marked  1  and  2  in  the  diagram  (Fig.  5,  o) 
the  bottom  of  the  boat  narrows  and  at  the  same  time  protrudes  slightly,  producing 
a  sort  of  keel  at  bow  and  stern.  The  narrow  part  rides  somewhat  lower  in  the 
water  than  the  rest  of  the  bottom.  A  "blade"  of  this  sort  at  bow  or  stern  is  called 
stp-u's  «si'ap  =  anything  elongated  and  crested).  It  has  a  very  practical  pur 
pose.  In  hunting  sea-mammals,  especially  the  seal  and  the  otter,  great  silence  is 
necessary.  A  ship's  boat,  even  one  of  the  better  designed  ones,  when  it  surmounts 
a  wave  and  dips  forward  is  likely  to  slap  the  surface  of  the  water.  This  noise  often 
alarms  the  quarry.  Seals  are  frequently  found  napping  in  the  water,  turned  on 
their  backs  or  their  sides,  with  the  hind  flippers  turned  forward  and  up,  breathing 


20 


Waterman 


[Vol.  1 


peacefully  as  their  heads  emerge  from  the  waves.  The  Indian  canoe  can  approach 
much  more  silently  than  the  white  man's  boat,  for  this  knife-blade  at  bow  or  stern 
cuts  the  water,  instead  of  pounding  down  into  it.  The  seal  canoe  has  conspicuous 
"knife-blades"  at  both  bow  and  stern,  to  prevent  any  splashing  which  might  result 
from  the  pitching  of  the  boat  in  the  seas. 

The  Chinook  canoe  has  a  rather  flat  bottom,  as  pointed  out  by  a  previous  writer 
(b,  Fig.  2,  p.  11  above).  The  terms  for  the  various  parts  of  the  inside  of  the  hull 
are  shown  in  the  following  diagram  (Fig.  6)  : 


FIG.   6 — Diagram  showing  the  cross-section  of  a  canoe. 

a.  hitA'ktAk,  bottom. 

b.  tL3Atc»  curve  at  the  side  ( <tL'AtcAk  =  to  fold). 

c.  hitA'tsk,  side. 

d.  hitAkwi'i,  along  the  top  of  the  gunwale. 

e.  tL'e'ixats,  gunwale-strip  «tLi'°xAk  =  to  paddle). 

f.  di'tLki"i,  out-turn  of  the  side,  just  at  the  gunwale. 

INTERIOR   FITTINGS 

The  canoe  has  no  ribs  or  knees,  "holding  up"  merely  by  the  strength  of 
the  solid  hull.  Along  the  top  of  the  gunwale  lies  a  gunwale-strip,  tL'e'ixats  (mean 
ing  "against  it  one  works  the  paddle").  This  is  a  thin  strip  of  plank  some  three 
inches  wide,  extending  from  stem  to  stern  of  the  boat.  This  plank  is  fastened 
down  with  cedar  pegs.  Its  purpose  is  to  prevent  the  sides  from  being  worn  down 
by  the  rubbing  of  the  paddles  as  the  boat  is  propelled.  When  this  strip  becomes 
worn,  it  is  easily  replaced  by  a  new  one.  The  thwarts  are  called  ta'p'ab,  "bracers" 
or  "spreaders"  (<ta  =  to  brace).  This  term  arises  from  the  custom  of  spreading 
a  canoe  artificially  by  means  of  heat  as  described  above  in  the  quotations  from 
Swan  and  Boas.  Special  struts,  ta'ktup  «taktc=to  push  with  a  pole)  were  used 
for  the  actual  work  of  prying  the  canoe  open.  The  thwarts  get  the  name  "spread 
ers"  because  they  were  fitted  in  as  though  to  keep  the  sides  from  closing  together 
again.  The  word  "spreaders"  is  in  general  use  for  thwarts,  although  this  "spread 
ing"  was  done  only  in  special  cases.  The  fitting  of  the  thwarts  is  done  as  follows: 
Round  pieces  of  the  proper  length  are  cut,  and  each  end  is  worked  down  into  a  sort 
of  dowell,  suptsu'watits.  One  hole  is  drilled  horizontally  through  the  thwart,  and 
two  pairs  of  smaller  holes  through  the  side  of  the  canoe  (Fig.  7),  one  pair  above 
the  other.  A  withe  made  of  cedar  limb  is  soaked  to  make  it  soft.  It  is  first  rove 
through  the  thwart,  is  then  passed  outward  through  the  side  of  the  boat,  and  back 


Makah  Indians 


21 


through  another  perforation,  then  through  the  thwart  again,  and  so  on,  by  the 
method  shown  in  Fig.  7,  until  the  thwart  is  firmly  bound  in  place.  The  remainder 
of  the  withe  is  served  around  the  dowell.  Both  'ends  being  caught  beneath  the 
lashing,  the  whole  is  very  solid  and  presents  moreover  a  very  workmanlike  appear 
ance.  The  lashings  neatly  fill  in  over  the  more  slender  part  of  the  thwart,  and  give 
the  whole  a  very  smooth  and  finished  effect. 


FIG.   7 — Diagram  showing  the  lashing  which  holds  the   thwarts  in  place. 

a,  A  section  from  the  outside  of  the  boat,  showing  the  appearance  of  the  two  turns 
of  lashing  seen  from  the  outside,  b,  Diagram  showing  how  the  lashings  are  applied. 
The  strip  is  laid  along  the  thwart,  beginning  at  1,  goes  through  the  thwart  at  2, 
enters  a  hole  through  the  side  of  the  boat  at  3,  emerges  on  the  outside  of  the  hull 
at  4,  starts  inward  through  a  hole  at  5,  enters  the  hole  through  the  thwart  at  6, 
passes  through  the  hull  again  at  7,  returning  at  8,  passes  through  the  thwart  at  9, 
emerges  on  the  far  side,  and  begins  to  wrap  around  it  as  at  10.  c,  diagram  of  a 
cross-section  of  the  side  of  the  boat,  showing  the  thwart  and  the  finished  wrapping, 
with  the  end  caught  under  a  turn  at  1 1 . 

The  manufacture  of  these  cedar  withes  or  lashings  is  described  by  Boas 
(•p/375)  arid  will  be  referred  to  later  in  the  present  paper  under  the  heading  of 
ropes  and  lines. 

On  the  floor  of  the  boat  are  other  fittings.  Forward  in  the  boat,  just  below 
the  pair  of  thwarts  at  the  bow,  is  a  socket  in  which  the  mast  is  stepped  when  sail 
is  hoisted.  This  socket,  htiksv'b,  is  a  carven  block  of  alder  wood,  4  inches  wide  by 
8  inches  long,  thin  toward  the  edges  and  thick  in  the  center.  In  its  upper  surface  a 
pit  is  carved  which  accommodates  the  foot  of  the  mast.  The  block  is  fastened 
lengthwise  in  the  bottom  of  the  boat  with  cedar  pegs.  The  canoe  curve  is  supplied 
with  bottom-boards  of  cedar  (Lit-tsi'b  =  "covering,"  a  word  applied  to  mats  or 
anything  used  to  cover  an  object).  They  are  carefully  smoothed  and  rounded  to 
fit  the  shape  of  the  boat,  and  furthermore  are  "crowned  up"  toward  their  middle 
part,  so  that  whatever  water  comes  aboard  drains  off  of  them.  Between  the  end 
of  one  plank  and  the  end  of  the  next  one,  a  space  is  left  to  permit  of  bailing  the 
boat.  The  bailer  is  an  ingeniously  shaped  object,  to  be  described  on  a  later  page. 

It  will  be  seen  by  looking  at  the  figure  that  the  thwarts  or  "seats"  are  round 
poles.  Blankets  and  mats  are  used  to  pad  these  poles  to  form  seats.  The  Indian 
kneels  to  paddle,  however.  The  canoes  made  on  the  northern  coast  are  provided  with 
flat  benches.  I  am  not  informed  why  the  Makah  and  their  immedate  neighbors  elect, 
to  employ  poles  instead  of  benches.  Makah  canoes  at  the  present  time  are  often 


22  Waterman  [Vol.  1 

fitted  with  ribs,  and  the  seats  made  of  plank,  and  the  small  canoes  often  have  thole 
pins  or  metal  oarlocks. 

CARE  OF  THE  HULL 

The  outside  of  the  hull  is  carefully  charred  over  with  lighted  cedar  splints.  This 
is  done  when  the  canoe  is  first  made  in  order  to  preserve  the  wood  from  decay. 
The  process  is  repeated  from  time  to  time,  and  the  canoe  rubbed  with  a  wisp  of  grass, 
or  cedar  twigs,  to  clear  the  bottom  of  the  fouling  of  barnacles  and  seaweed  which 
accumulate  there  (Swan,  p.  37). 

These  matters  are  described  by  Boas  in  the  following  terms: 

"When  the  canoe  is  made  ready  for  the  hunting  season,  its  outer  side  is  dried 
carefully,  so  that  all  the  small  splints  turn  outward.  These  are  burned  off  with 
torches,  which  are  afterwards  moved  once  more  slowly  over  the  whole  surface  of 
the  canoe  until  a  layer  of  charcoal  shows  on  the  outside.  Then  the  canoe  is  turned 
over  and  allowed  to  cool.  When  it  is  cold,  it  is  rubbed  down  [with  an  old  mat, 
according  to  another  passage]  at  right  angles  to  the  grain  of  the  wood.  When  it 
is  quite  smooth,  the  outside  up  to  the  water-line  is  smeared  with  tallow.  Olachen- 
oil  is  not  used  for  this  purpose,  on  account  of  its  odor.  After  this  the  bottom  of 
the  canoe  is  struck  with  spruce-branches  to  give  it  a  good  smell. 

The  canoe  must  never  rest  on  the  ground;  otherwise  its  bottom  becomes  rough 
ened.  It  is  always  carried,  never  pushed  along  over  stones.  It  must  rest  so  high 
that  a  person  can  sit  under  the  bow,  and  lift  it  on  his  shoulder.  The  hunter  carries 
in  his  canoe  two  round  cedar-sticks,  about  10  cm.  in  diameter  and  a  meter  long. 
When  a  landing  is  made  during  ebb-tide,  the  stern  is  brought  ashore  first.  The  poles 
are  then  placed  under  the  canoe  to  protect  the  bottom  from  the  pebbles  of  the  beach." 
(Boas,  p.  500.) 

ORNAMENTATION 

Mention  has  just  been  made  of  the  fact  that  the  prow  is  carved  in  such  a 
form  as  to  suggest  the  head  of  an  animal  (see  above,  p.  15).  Curtis  remarks  that 
this  resemblance  is  accidental;  and  my  own  inquiry  pointed  to  the  same  conclusion. 
That  is,  my  informant  stated  that  while  this  carving  is  considered  necessary  by 
tribal  custom,  it  does  not  "mean  anything."  This  is  remarkable,  because  the  form 
given  the  prow  is  far  too  lifelike  to  be  the  result  of  anything  but  design.  More 
over,  the  neighboring  tribes  to  the  east  and  north  of  the  Makah  have  a  highly 
developed  totemic  art.  Carvings  representing  animals  play  a  great  part  in  their 
lives.  Figures  representing  animals  are  invariably  present  on  their  canoes,  lending 
the  craft  a  very  picturesque  appearance.  It  seems  altogether  likely,  then,  that  this 
carving  on  the  Makah  canoe  was,  in  origin,  totemic.  If  so,  its  significance  is  not 
recognized  at  the  present  day.  The  Makah  canoe,  compared  to  that  of  the 
Kwakiutl,  or  the  Haida,  is  very  plain,  and  almost  devoid  of  external  ornamen 
tation.  Whatever  artistic  interest  it  has,  results  principally  from  beauty  of  design, 
and  careful  workmanship. 

In  addition  to  the  black  coloring  material  consisting  of  "fish-oil"  and  charcoal, 
mentioned  by  Swan,  an  evil-smelling  black  muck,  obtained  in  swamps,  is  sometimes 
used.  It  is  called  kak'i'tsbts  (cf.  sAkw'a'kubts  =  dirt,  earth).  The  fish-oil  (olachen- 
oil?  dogfish  oil?)  mentioned  by  Swan  is  in  some  cases  replaced  by  decayed  salmon 


1920] 


Makah  Indians 


23 


roe  (a'tc'pab).  The  "Indian  red"  (red  ochre)  is  called  Ltxtcc't°bts.  The  combina 
tion  dries  very  quickly.  The  charcoal  used  in  painting  is  called  tibt'sbts.  The  best 
kind  is  obtained  by  burning  alder.  White  clay,  tL'si'bAs,  is  occasionally  used  in 
making  designs,  sometimes  on  canoes. 


SAILS  AND  RIGGING 

Features  of  the  rigging  described  by  other  writers 

Sails — The  primitive  sail  is  of  the  "square"  type  (Swan,  p.  38)  and  is  made 
of  cedar-bark  matting  (Swan,  p.  38;  Boas,  p.  446).  It  is  attached  top  and  bottom 
to  yards  consisting  of  light  cedar  poles  (Swan,  p.  38).  These  mats  are  woven  on 
a  woof  of  cedar-bark  twine.  At  the  top  and  bottom  of  the  mat  these  war-strings 
are  made  into  an  openwork  border,  which  permit  the  sail  to  be  easily  attached  to 
the  yard  (Boas,  p.  391). 

Among  the  Kwakiutl  sails  were  made  also  of  thin  boards,  sewed  together  (Boas, 
p.  446). 

Rigging — This  consists  of  a  mast,  two  yards,  a  "hallyard"  to  pull  up  the  sail, 
the  "sheets"  and  "braces"  (Boas,  p.  446;  Swan,  figure  20)  which  are  attached  to 
each  corner  of  the  sail. 


FIG.  8 — Sail  and  rigging  of  a  Makah  canoe. 


24 


Waterman 


[Vol.  1 


a.  mast,  tLaxsvb. 

b,  noose  at  masthead. 

c,c',     upper  yard,  tLuc'axtub  «tLucak=a  rod:  hideaxtiL=over  the  top). 

d,  sail  of  matting,  Ltsa'p'iyak  «Li'tsAk  =  to  spread:  hidap  =  up). 

e,  halyard,  tci'apiLtLek  «tci'apJL  =  to  pull  up). 

/,     "brace,"  tci-tcabub  «tci  =  to  pull:  ihi't'abuL  =  the  top  corner  of  the  human 

ear). 
g,g' ,     lower    yard,     tLusa'baktLib    (<tLusak'  =  rod:    hitAksabaktL  =  the    bottom 

edge  of  a  mat,  or  other  fabric). 
h,     "sheet,"  tci-ksaba'ktLiyek  (=  pulling  on  the  bottom  of  a  mat). 


ADDITIONAL    NOTES    ON    RIGGING 

The  sail  is  an  oblong  mat  (Curtis;  chibat)  of  a  type  already  described  and 
figured  by  Boas  (1909,  p.  383,  figures  74,  75;  1916,  p.  52,  figure  9).  A  specimen  in 
the  University  of  Washington  Museum  consists  of  a  mat,  three  feet  and  one  inch 
wide  by  five  feet  seven  inches  long,  with  a  pole  or  "yard"  at  its  top  and  bottom. 
Boas  remarks  that  only  coarse  mats  and  large  baskets  are  made  in  this  checkerboard 
weave,  a  twilled  tecnique  apparently  being  employed  for  the  finer  pieces. 

/        I       I      I    3> 


4-— 


FIG.  9 — Diagram  illustrating  the  weave  employed  in  a  sail  of  cedar-bark  matting:  a,  The  border  where  the 
sail  is  attached  to  the  yard ;  6,  Section  from  the  middle  part  of  the  lower  border.  University  of  Washington, 
State  Museum,  Catalog  Number  209  (Makah  tribe).  Diameter  of  yard:  1%  inches  (2.7  cm.)  ;  width  of  ele 
ments,  %  cm. 


1920]  Makah  Indians  25 

1,  I,  I,  1.     Warp  elements. 

2,  2,  2,  2,     Woof  elements. 

3, 3',     Broad    ribbon-like   strips   of   cedar-bark,    1    cm.   wide,   dyed   black,   and 

worked  in  along  the  edges  of  the  mat  as  an  ornamental  border. 
4,4',     String  or  cord  of  braided  cedar-bark,  which  serves  as  the  foundation  of 
the  "edging"  which  finishes  off  the  sides  of  the  sail.      The  woof  strands 
numbered  2,  2,  2  pass  over  the  black  "ribbon,"  then  around  the  cord, 
and  the  end  is  fastened  down  by  the  next  following  strand  of  woof. 
The  wide  ribbon  3'  is  separated  into  three  divisions  at  its  terminations, 
and    these    divisions    are    caught    separately    into    this    cord,    and    held 
fast  (5,  5',  5"). 

6,  6',  A  single  row  of  plain  twining,  which  binds  the  warp  elements  in  place 
at  the  lower  fringe  of  the  mat.  Each  strip  is  caught  separately  in  a 
"turn"  of  this  plain  twining. 

The  vertical  ribbon,  3,  is  also  divided  into  three  narrow  strips,  and 
each  of  these  strips  is  caught  separately  into  the  row  of  plain  twining, 
as  indicated  at  5,  5',  and  5". 

7,  7'  7",  A  three-strand  braid,  produced  by  plaiting  together  three  adjacent  warp 
strips,  as  they  emerge  below  the  row  of  twining.  From  20  to  30 
rows  at  each  side  are  finished  in  this  way.  Toward  the  center  of  the 
mat,  the  strips  are  merely  twisted  together,  some  of  the  elements 
being  split  and  parted  to  one  side  and  the  other.  This  braiding  and 
twisting  produces  the  openwork  effect. 

A  strip  of  cedar-bark,  wound  spirally  around  the  braid,  4.      Appar 
ently  in  making  this  border,  the  maker  worked  from  the  right  toward 
the  left.     Each  string  is  caught  under  this   spiral  ribbon;   and  is  then 
turned  over  it  to  the  left,  where  the  end  is  caught  under  the  succeeding 
coil  of  the  spiral. 

9,  9',  Light  three-strand  string,  with  which  the  "clews"  or  corners  of  the  sail 
are  caught  to  the  yard. 

The  openwork  border  resembles  in  weave  the  basket  border  shown  in  Boas, 
1909,  figure  84,  page  392.  The  University  of  Washington  specimen  seems  to  be 
specially  designed  for  a  sail,  being  finished  off  in  one  way  at  the  upper  and  lower 
borders,  and  in  another  tecnique  at  the  sides.  Its  construction  is  shown  in  figure 
9.  The  mat  figured  by  Boas  as  a  typical  specimen  has  three  black  elements  worked 
into  the  fabric,  parallel  to  the  border,  producing  a  sort  of  band  of  checkerboard 
ornamentation  around  the  edge  of  the  mat.  The  present  specimen  has  four  similar 
rows  of  this  black  and  white  ornamentation,  beside  a  wide  ribbon  of  black,  which  is 
inserted  just  inside  the  border. 

The  sailing  equipment  of  the  Makah  canoe  is  very  primitive.  The  mast  is  a  simple 
pole,  which  is  inserted  in  the  socket  already  described,  and  lashed  upright  between 
the  two  forward  thwarts.  There  are  no  stays  to  hold  it  in  place,  the  mast  holding 
up  through  the  rigidity  of  the  wood.  It  is  hardly  more  than  a  stick,  since  the  sail 
is  very  small,  and  the  strain  is  not  at  all  heavy.  A  noose  made  of  a  cedar  withe  is 
lashed  to  the  top  of  the  pole.  Through  this  is  rove  a  line  of  twisted  sea-lion  gut. 
This  line  is  called  bAqw'Atsi'dibe'k  «bAqwYts  =  string)  or  simply  tsi'kyub,  "gut". 
It  served  as  a  halyard  for  hoisting  the  sail.  Sometimes  this  noose  is  replaced  by 


26  Waterman  [Vol.  1 

a  hole  made  in  the  mast  itself.  At  top  and  bottom  the  warp  threads  project  beyond 
the  fabric  in  the  form  of  loops.  Through  these  loops  a  round  stick  or  rod  might  be 
inserted  to  serve  as  a  "yard."  In  the  specimen  examined  by  myself  (Fig.  9)  the  sail 
is  attached  to  the  pard  by  extra  lashing.  The  sail  is  of  a  square  type,  and  the  only 
additional  rigging  required  beyond  the  halyard  for  pulling  up  the  sail  are  "sheets" 
attached  at  the  lower  corners,  and  "braces"  attached  at  the  upper  corners  of  the 
sali,  to  manage  it  in  the  breeze. 

Captain  Cook  writing  in  1778  says  that  sails  are  not  aboriginal  in  this  region. 
The  Indians  of  today  look  upon  their  sails  and  rigging  as  their  own  invention. 

DEFECTS  OF  THE   CANOE 

The  canoe  is  not  designed  for  a  sailing  craft,  and  so  its  design  from  that  stand 
point  is  very  defective.  Progress  by  tacking  is  impossible,  as  the  boat  would  make 
more  leeway  than  headway.  When  a  breeze  comes  over  the  stern  they  hoist  sail. 
When  there  is  no  favorable  breeze,  they  stow  the  mast  and  sail,  and  paddle.  They 
have  no  words  for  "tacking"  or  "wearing"  or  other  nautical  maneuvers.  The  worst 
weakness  of  the  canoe  is  a  structural  one  —  namely,  a  tendency  to  split  (see  Boas, 
p.  446).  A  canoe  may  split  open  into  two  halves  if  roughly  handled,  especially  if 
it  is  driven  vigorously  into  a  cross  sea.  When  hauled  up  on  the  beach,  it  is  carefulty 
covered  from  the  effects  of  the  sun,  which  starts  "checking"  and  splitting,  and  may 
in  a  few  hours  ruin  a  good  boat.  This  covering  may  consist  of  mats,  blankets,  boards 
or  branches  (Boas,  p.  446;  Curtis,  Vol.  10,  p.  16).  These  are  the  points  in  which 
the  Indian  canoe  is  inferior  to  the  white  man's  boats.  For  buoyancy  and  easy  riding 
of  the  waves  in  stormy  weather,  it  compares  favorably  with  any  craft  in  the  world. 
In  cleverness  of  design  and  adaptation  to  its  special  purpose,  and  for  artistic  grace, 
it  may  almost  be  called  a  triumph  of  workmanship. 


PADDLES 

Information  contained  in  previous  accounts 

Material — The  paddle  is  made  of  yew  or  maple  (Curtis,  Vol.  9,  p.  61 ;  Swan, 
p.  38;  Boas,  1909,  p.  496).  The  cross-piece  at  the  top  is  made  of  "red  pine"  (Boas, 
p.  497).  [Alder,  according  to  my  information  concerning  the  Makah  practice;  cf. 
Curtis,  Vol.  11,  p.  179], 

Design — The  blade  is  thin  and  somewhat  elastic,  and  often  sharply  pointed  or 
"lanceolate."  The  sharper  types  are  said  to  make  less  noise  when  entering  the 
water  (Boas,  1909,  p.  496).  The  top  of  the  paddle  ends  in  a  dowell,  which  fits 
into  a  short  cross-piece,  four  finger-widths  long.  The  hole  which  receives  this 
dowell  is  made  rectangular,  and  the  cross-piece  is  carefully  fitted  on  the  shaft  (Boas, 
1909,  p.  498).  This  cross-piece  is  sometimes  .made  of  alder  (Curtis,  Vol.  11,  p.  179). 

Staining — The  paddle  is  carefully  smoothed  and  polished,  and  blackened  by 
charring  (Swan,  p.  38).  According  to  Boas,  the  Kwakiutl  greased  the  implement 


1920]  Makah  Indians  '27 

with  perch-oil,  and  blackened  it  by  burning  with  piece  of  pitch  wood   (Boas,  1909, 
p.  498).     This  black  color  never  comes  off. 

Additional  notes  on  the  paddle 

The  paddle,  kla-tah-juk  in  Swan's  orthography  (1870,  p.  95),  hlatawachuk 
in  Curtis  (Vol.  11,  p.  179)  is  a  very  well-designed  implement.  The  proper  length 
for  a  paddle  is  the  distance  from  the  owner's  chin, to  the  ground.  The  paddles  used 
in  hunting  had  more  slender  and  delicate  blades  than  those  used  in  paddling  the 
freight  canoe. 

My  informant  describes  a  somewhat  different  method  of  blackening  the  paddle 
from  that  referred  to  on  the  preceding  page.  There  are  certain  growths  on  hemlock 
bark  which  supply  a  rich  coloring  matter.  These  growths  are  spoken  of  as  "blisters" 
and  are  due  to  the  growth  of  a  fungus.  These  blisters,  tc'i'tubv,  are  cut  out  and 
dried.  In  making  a  paint  or  "stain"  they  are  pounded  up  and  mixed  with  urine 
and  boiled  over  the  fire.  The  mixture  is  used  exactly  as  we  use  a  commercial  stain 
for  woodwork.  The  paddle  is  painted  a  solid  color.  When  stained  the  paddle  is 
held  in  the  smoke  until  it  becomes  a  glossy  black.  In  this  respect  Makah  paddles 
differ  from  the  paddles  of  the  north  coast,  which  are  painted  with  striking  totemic 
designs,  in  red  and  black. 

The  middle  part  of  the  shaft  is  hot  stained,  because  it  is  later  wrapped  evenly 
with  kelp-stem.  This  material  is  used  for  fish-lines,  and  is  very  tough.  This 
wrapping  of  kelp  gives  a  very  satisfactory  hand-hold. 

THE  CANOE-BAILER 

An  important  article  in  the  Makah  canoe  is  the  wooden  bailer,  xutcA'k.  Several 
types  of  bailers  are  in  use  on  the  Northwest  Coast,  some  of  them  quite  ingenious. 
Boas  figures  several  wooden  specimens,  of  the  general  appearance  of  dippers  or 
scoops,  and  one  made  of  cedar-bark  (Boas,  1909,  p.  446).  The  Makah  use  only  one 
type,  and  this  is  a  type  which,  as  far  as  I  know,  has  not  been  described.  Its 
general  appearance  is  shown  in  Fig.  10,  a.  The  use  for  which  it  is  intended  would 
hardly  be  suspected  from  its  appearance,  in  the  first  sketch.  It  is  pyramidal  in 
shape,  hollowed  from  a  single  block  of  maple  or  alder,  qwAxsa'bAp.  Cedar  is  too 
soft  for  the  purpose  for  which  the  object  is  intended;  it  would  wear  out  very  quickly. 
The  ends  of  the  utensil  are  somewhat  concave  when  viewed  from  the  outside,  and 
concavity  deepens  into  a  crease  at  the  apex  of  the  bailer.  Two  holes  are  bored 
transversely  (Fig.  10,  &)  through  the  sides  of  this  channel,  and  a  cedar  peg  driven 
through.  This  peg  serves  to  fasten  a  loop  or  hoop  made  of  two  cedar  twigs  twined 
together  and  bound  with  string  of  nettle  fiber.  The  loop  forms  a  convenient  handle 
by  which  the  utensil  may  be  carried.  The  Indian  often  puts  the  handle  of  his 
paddle  through  this  loop,  or  may  carry  several  bailers  at  once,  strung  on  the  shaft 
of  his  paddle.  The  loop  also  serves  as  handle  by  which  the  bailer  is  clutched  in 
scooping  the  water  out  of  a  boat  (Fig.  10,  c).  The  fact  that  the  loop  is  seated 


28 


Waterman 


[Vol.  1 


FIG.  10 — Canoe-bailer  of  alderwood.  University  of  Washington,  State  Museum,  Catalog  Number  73.  Length, 
8  Inches  (20.5  cm.)  :  a,  the  bailer;  6,  attachment  of  the  loop-handle,  viewed  from  above;  c,  diagram  showing 
how  the  bailer  is  clutched  when  in  use. 


1920]  Makah  Indians  29 

in  the  bottom  of  the  crease  prevents  it  from  being  worn  in  two  through  scraping  the 
sides  and  bottom  of  the  boat. 

A  more  effective  utensil  than  this  bailer  could  scarcely  be  devised.  A  person 
can  with  one  scoop  of  this  instrument  throw  over  a  much  larger  amount  of  water 
than  the  utensil  itself  contains;  for  it  fits  closely  against  the  curve  of  the  boat,  and 
a  quantity  of  water  is  "pushed  ahead"  of  it.  A  boat  can  be  cleared  in  half  the 
time  that  would  be  occupied  in  bailing  with  a  can  or  a  tin  kettle.  The  instrument 
is  cleverly  designed;  and  in  this  simple  utensil  one  observes  the  same  merging  of 
lines,  and  the  same  effect  of  compactness  and  unity,  that  can  be  noticed  in  the 
forty-foot  canoe.  The  bailer  is  colored  a  smooth,  deep  red,  inside  and  out,  by  the 
use  of  "hemlock"  paint,  as  described  above.  The  use  of  this  type  of  bailer  seems 
to  be  characteristic  of  the  Makah. 

THE   WHALING   HARPOON   AND    ITS   ACCESSORY   DEVICES 

The  complete  harpooning  apparatus  consists  of  the  harpoon-shaft;  the  harpoon 
head  (itself  made  up  of  numerous  parts);  a  lanyard;  floats;  various  sections  of 
harpoon  line,  to  which  the  floats  are  attached ;  and  lines  for  towing  the  quarry  home. 

THE    HARPOON-SHAFT 

Information  contained  in  previous  accounts 

The  harpoon-shaft  is  composed  of  two  carefully  selected  pieces  of  yew,  scarfed 
together  at  the  middle  of  the  instrument.  The  end  of  each  section  is  cut  diagonally, 
and  the  two  sloping  surfaces  are  matched,  fitted  together,  and  bound  with  braided 
cord  of  cedar-bark  fiber.  The  reason  for  using  two  pieces  of  yew  was  not  known 
to  Edward  Curtis,  nor  to  Swan.  The  underlying  cause  may  be  that  it  is  difficult  to 
find  one  clear  piece  of  the  proper  length,  this  length  varying  from  fourteen  to 
eighteen  feet  in  different  weapons  (Curtis,  Vol.  11,  p.  16;  Swan,  p.  20). 

The  shaft  tapers  to  a  point  at  each  end. 

Additional  notes  on  the  harpoon-shaft 

Very  particular  care  is  taken  with  the  manufacture  of  the  harpoon-shaft, 
dupu'  yeq  (du-poi-ak,  in  Swan's  orthography,  1870,  p.  21).  Its  dimensions  vary 
according  to  circumstances.  Swan  gives  the  length  as  18  feet.  A  Makah  specimen 
examined  by  myself  (University  of  Washington  State  Museum,  catalogue  number 
213)  measured  only  13  feet  6  inches.  The  University  of  Washington  specimen  con 
sists,  as  is  invariably  the  case,  of  two  independent  sections,  neatly  scarfed  together 
in  the  middle.  My  informant  was  sure  that  there  is  a  practical  reason  for  making 
the  shaft  in  two  parts ;  though  he  could  not  remember  what  the  reason  was.  This 
scarf  (tsA't-as;  cf.  tsAtsA't'ey ax  =  points  where  fore  shafts,  etc.,  detach)  begins 
five  feet  from  the  head  of  the  shaft.  The  two  oblique  surfaces  which  make  the  joint, 
are  exquisitely  smoothed,  and  fitted.  Each  surface  is  about  nine  inches  long.  A 
white  man  would  hardly  attempt  to  make  this  joint  "hold,"  but  the  Indian  wraps 
it  very  carefully  with  braided  cedar-bark  (tsi.t'sy),  and  the  whole  is  rigid  when 
done.  On  the  University  of  Washington  specimen  the  scarf  had  begun  to  loosen 


30  Waterman  [Vol.  1 

from  age  or  the  drying  out  of  the  wood.  Cedar-bark  string  is  used  because  it  does 
not  loosen  when  wet,  as  sinew  or  seal-gut  would  do.  The  string  is  braided  instead 
of  twisted,  so  that  it  will  be  flat  on  the  shaft,  and  take  better  hold.  On  top  of  this 
braided  sling  is  a  wrapping  of  wild-cherry  bark.  This  serving  of  bark  around  the 
scarf  gives  an  excellent  hold  for  the  left  hand  of  the  harpooner. 

At  another  point  the  shaft  is  wrapped  for  about  nine  inches,  to  afford  a  "grip" 
to  the  harpooner's  right  hand.  This  wrapping  also  consists  of  braided  cedar-bark, 
covered  with  a  spiral  wrapping  of  cherry-bark.  The  two  "hand-grips"  are  separated 
by  a  space  of  27  inches. 

The  tip  of  the  harpoon  is  channeled  out  along  one  side  (see  Fig.  11).  The 
sinew  lanyard  which  leads  back  from  the  harpoon  head  to  the  float  just  fits  into 
this  groove. 


FIG.  11 — Tip  of  harpoon  shaft,  showing  the  groove  into  which  fits  the  lanyard  leading  back  from  the  harpoon- 
head.     University  of  Washington,  Catalog  Number  213.     Length  of  groove,  12  inches   (31  cm). 

The  harpoon-shaft  becomes  warped  very  easily  and  has  to  be  very  carefully 
straightened  before  each  hunt. 

The  Indian  straightens  an  18-foot  harpoon-shaft  exactly  as  he  does  a  28-inch 
arrow-shaft,  by  heating  it  and  carefully  wrenching  it  back  to  "true."  He  wraps 
the  shaft  with  big-leaved  kelp,  and  holds  it  over  the  fire.  When  warm  and  steaming 
and  thoroughly  heated  through,  he  straightens  it  over  his  knee. 

The  Indian  usually  tries  to  get  for  his  harpoon-shaft  a  piece  of  material  that 
will  carry  with  it  "good  luck"  in  whale-hunting.  The  material  itself  is  yew, 
tL'ixa'ktLbAp  (tL'i'xuk^red ;  ii'bAp=kind,  species),  and  is  carefully  selected. 
Swan  gives  an  account  of  a  pillar-like  rock  with  a  cavity  near  its  top  which  stands 
in  the  sea  near  Cape  Flattery.  In  this  cavity  there  rested  in  his  day  a  great  spar. 
The  Indians,  according  to  Swan,  looked  upon  this  spar  with  veneration,  and  believed 
that  anybody  attempting  to  dislodge  it  would  fall  off  the  crag  and  be  drowned.  A 
photograph  of  this  rock  is  shown  in  Plate  3.  The  spar,  by  the  time  the  photograph 
was  taken,  had  decayed  and  fallen  to  pieces.  My  informant  says  that  many  an 
Indian  tried  in  former  years  to  get  this  spar  for  a  harpoon-shaft,  believing  that  its 
unusual  situation  indicated  that  there  was  "power"  in  it.  No  one  was  willing  to 
ask  for  help  in  reaching  it,  because  secrecy,  as  mentioned  above,  was  an  essential 
feature  in  all  preparations  for  whaling,  and  so  the  spar  stayed  there  till  it  rotted. 

THE     HARPOON-HEAD 

Information  contained  in  previous  accounts 

The  harpoon-head  is  made  up  of  several  elements  cunningly  joined  together. 
The  foundation  consists  of  a  pair  of  pointed  barbs,  made  of  elk-antler  or  bone, 
which  fit  neatly  together  (Curtis,  Vol.  11,  p.  16;  Swan,  pp.  19,  39).  The  end  of 
the  whale-sinew  lanyard  is  attached  by  unlaying  the  strands  and  making  them  fast 
around  the  barbs ;  and  then  winding  the  whole  with  cord  and  strips  of  cherry-bark. 


1920]  Makah  Indians  31 

A  socket  is  fashioned  in  the  rear  of  the  head,  into  which  the  point  of  the  wooden 
harpoon-shaft  exactly  fits.  The  blade,  or  cutting  edge,  was  formerly  made  of  a 
large  mussel-shell  (Curtis,  Vol.  9,  p.  66),  but  in  recent  years  of  copper,  or  steel 
saw-blade  (Swan,  pp.  19,  39).  This  blade,  whatever  the  material,  is  cut  into  the 
shape  shown  in  Fig.  12,  and  inserted  between  two  barbs,  the  ends  of  which  are 
cut  away  to  accommodate  it.  A  "fat"  knot  of  spruce  is  set  in  front  of  a  fire,  and 
the  gum  which  melts  out  is  caught  in  a  shell.  This  gum  is  kneaded  and  spread 
smoothly  over  the  harpoon-head.  [Boas,  1909,  p.  488,  says  "the  point  of  the  salmon 
spear  is  gummed  over  to  make  it  smooth  and  prevent  it  from  tearing  the  fish".  The 
spreading  of  gum  over  the  harpoon-head  may  in  similar  fashion  tend  to  make  it 
smooth,  so  that  it  may  cut  its  way  deeper  when  the  quarry  is  struck.] 

Additional  notes  on  the  harpoon-head. 

The  finished  harpoon-head  is  a  very  neat  and  tidy  union  of  a  number  of  sep 
arate  elements.  The  word  for  the  device,  considered  as  a  finished  product  is 
qwi"kapL  «kwt'ktcu=to  sharpen  by  grinding).  Swan  (1870,  pp.  20,  21)  gives 
kwe-kaptl,  kwe-kwahptl.  The  harpoon-head  most  familiar  to  students  who  frequent 
museums  is  the  Eskimo  type,  carved  from  a  block  of  ivory,  provided  with  barbs, 
a  crack  or  socket  for  the  reception  of  the  cutting  blade,  and  a  perforation  for  the 
attachment  of  the  harpoon-line,  all  in  one  piece.  The  most  striking  peculiarity  of 
the  Makah  specimens  is  that  they  consist  of  two  separate  halves  of  antler  or  bone, 
cunningly  joined  by  binding  with  string.  The  reason  for  the  difference  is,  I  pre 
sume,  that  the  Eskimo  harpoon  has  in  the  first  place  a  smaller  head,  and  in  the  se 
cond  place  walrus  ivory  is  available  from  which  the  head  may  be  wrought.  The 
Makah  have  no  ivory,  and  the  pieces  of  bone  or  antler  which  they  employ  are  not 
large  enough  to  permit  the  carving  out  of  a  solid  head.  They  are  in  a  sense  compelled 
to  piece  their  device  together  in  two  sections.  The  harpoon-heads  of  this  whole 
region,  even  to  the  salmon  gigs,  are  made  on  this  same  plan,  by  binding  two  ele 
ments  together.  Such  porpoise  and  salmon  harpoons  are  described  by  Boas  (1909, 
pp.  489-495,  figures  156,  157).  The  porpoise  harpoon  which  Professor  Boas 
figures  however,  has  riveting  in  place  of  lashings  to  hold  the  two  segments  of  the 
head  together. 

The  method  of  assembling  the  parts  of  the  whaling  head  is  shown  in  a  gen 
eral  way  in  Swan's  work,  especially  in  his  figure  4.  The  details  may  be  seen  in  the 
drawings  appended  herewith  (figure  12;  and  also  Plate  8,  c  and  d.~)  The  separate 
parts  of  the  head  are  shown  in  drawings  a  and  b,  figure  12,  with  the  complete  head 
below. 

I  am  not  certain  about  the  purpose  of  the  external  wrappings  of  cherry-bark 
found  in  this  device,  and  the  coating  of  spruce  gum.  The  gum  may  be  primarily 
for  the  purpose  of  glossing  over  the  string  wrappings,  and  making  the  head  smooth. 
This  is  indicated  by  Boas'  account  (1909,  p  488).  Smoothness  would  decrease  the 
resistance,  as  the  head  is  driven  into  the  quarry,  and  enable  the  huntsman  to  plant 
the  weapon  much  more  deeply.  It  was  very  important  to  wound  the  animal  as 
severely  as  possible  at  the  first  thrust,  for  this  made  the  consequent  fight  much 


32  Waterman  [Vol.  1 

shorter.  With  luck  a  harpooner  could  at  the  first  blow  drive  his  weapon  into  the 
huge  bulk  of  the  whale  clear  to  the  lungs.  The  intention  in  applying  the  wrap 
pings  and  the  gum  may  also  have  been  to  exclude  the  water.  The  lines  on  ship 
board  which  are  subject  to  immersion,  are  carefully  wrapped  with  canvas  and 
covered  with  pitch  ("parcelled,  served  and  pitched").  This  makes  them  last  five 
times  as  long.  In  the  present  case,  excluding  the  water  was  even  more  important, 
because  sinew  lashings  become  loosened  and  "give"  when  wet.  The  cherry-bark 
lashings  are  very  smooth  and  glossy,  and  inasmuch  as  several  feet,  or  several  yards 
of  the  lanyard  follow  the  head  into  the  tissues  of  the  animal,  the  lessening  of  fric 
tion  is  undoubtedly  important. 

A  word  about  mussel-shell  harpoon  blades  may  not  be  out  of  place.  When  the 
fact  is  recalled  that  the  entire  central  part  of  the  blade  was 'cut  out,  to  enable  it  to 
fit  over  the  lashings  of  the  head,  it  seems  that  the  mussel-shell  blade  must  have 
proven  a  very  weak  and  fragile  thing.  The  material  of  the  shell  itself  is,  of  course, 
extremely  brittle.  After  the  blade  was  firmly  gummed  in  place,  the  gum  was  cleaned 
away  from  the  edges,  and  these  were  thoroughly  sharpened.  Brittle  material  often 
shows  astonishing  penetrating  powers,  when  driven  with  a  sharp  impact.  Flint,  for 
example,  makes  a  very  effective  tip  for  arrows.  Dr.  Saxton  Pope,  at  the  University 
of  California,  found  by  experiment  that  the  obsidian-tipped  arrow  would  pene 
trate  further  into  animal  tissue  than  a  steel-tipped  arrow  would.  The  reason  he 
ascribes  for  this  fact  is  that  the  flint  head,  being  serrated,  cuts  a  way  and  clears 
an  opening  for  the  shaft,  better  than  the  thin  steel  blade  does.  I  dare  say  the 
mussel-shell  harpoon  blade  inflicted  a  deeper  wound  on  the  whole  than  the  more 
modern  steel  blade  which  has  replaced  it,  even  though  the  shell  blade  may  often 
have  been  shattered  in  the  process.  The  shattering  in  such  material  does  not  conv; 
until  after  the  impact  is  completed,  and  the  wound  inflicted.  In  other  words  the 
inflicting  of  the  wound  is  almost  instantaneous,  while  the  shattering  of  the  head,  if 
it  does  shatter  requires  an  instant  or  two  of  time.  This  accounts  for  the  fact  that 
a  delicate  fiint-arrow-point  can  be  driven  into  a  thick  buffalo  skull,  or  vertebra,  as 
set  forth  by  Wilson0.  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  blade  of  the  harpoon  has 
no  part  in  holding  the  animal.  This  is  entirely  the  function  of  the  bone  barbs.  The 
sinew  lanyard  is  most  painstakingly  attached  to  these  devices  of  bone,  for  any  fail 
ure  in  the  coherence  of  these  elements  means  the  loss  of  the  quarry.  The  coating 
of  spruce  gum,  on  the  other  hand,  is  all  that  holds  the  blade  in  its  place.  The  blade 
is  thus  attached  with  only  sufficient  firmness  to  make  certain  that  it  will  not  com^ 
loose  as  the  harpoon  is  brandished.  It  will,  of  course,  stand  shocks  of  all  degrees, 
as  long  as  they  are  directed  from  the  front,  until  it  flies  to  pieces  from  impact. 

The  harpoon  head  is  kept  in  a  sheath  made  of  a  rectangular  piece  of  cedar  bark. 
This  is  folded  over  across  its  middle.  The  ends  are  frayed  out  for  several  inches., 
and  fine  shreds  of  cedar-bark  are  worked  across  in  plain  twining  (called  tc3tba'tyu. 
cf.  tci'bat,=canoe-mat).  Several  harpoon  heads  are  taken  along  on  each  trip,  each 
one  enclosed  in  a  separate  sheath.  The  collection  of  heads  is  kept  in  a  special 

9  1901,  pp.  513-521  Moorelieacl,  in  his  "Stone  Age  in  North  America  (Vol.  1,  pp.  112-121,  figure  80,  81), 
quotes  Wilson's  paper  at  some  length,  and  reproduces  two  photographs  of  skulls,  one  human  and  the  other 
bison,  with  delicate  flint  points  driven  into  then;. 


1920] 


Makah  Indians 


33 


basket,  called  ha'3aL  (Plate  5).  This  bag  or  basket  is  of  checkerwork,  and  has 
a  flaring  top.  The  basket  in  which  ordinary  fishing  tackle  is  kept,  is  made  in  the 
same  weave,  but  is  rectangular  in  shape,  without  the  flaring  upper  portion. 


b 


•16 
•17 


13 


12    /5 


18 


FIG.  12 — Diagram  showing  the  assembling  of  the  parts  of  the  whaling  harpoon-head :  a,  the  complete  head ; 
6,  the  cutting  edge  of  mussel-shell  or  metal  ;  c,  the  bone  hafts  or  barbs. 


Element 
Barbs  (a,  1,  2) 
Blade  (6) 
Lanyard  (c,  18} 
Cherry-bark  (c, 
Spruce  gum 


NOMENCLATURE 

Swan 

tsa-kwat  (p.  21) 
kut-so-wit 
kluks-ko 


Present  Informant 
ts'a'kwAt  (=  antler) 


Lu'ksku 

tLexa'paL 

LAk'il'tubc 


34  Waterman  [Vol.  1 

METHOD    OF    ASSEMBLING    PARTS 

The  hafts  (1  and  2)  are  brought  together  along  the  line  6-7.  A  wide  groove,  3-4,  extending  around  these 
hafts,  serves  to  hold  in  place  a  wrapping  of  sinew  strands.  These  strands  are  derived  from  the  sinew  lan 
yard,  the  end  of  which  is  "unlayed"  and  the  separate  elements  fitted  over  the  hafts.  These  strands  are  first 
wound  around  the  pair  of  hafts  as  around  a  spool.  Then  a  turn  is  taken  in  the  transverse  direction  between 
the  two  hafts,  forming  what  a  seaman  would  call  a  "seizing".  A  socket,  5-6,  between  the  forward  ends  of  the 
barbs,  is  for  the  reception  of  the  blade,  I.  From  the  points  indicated  by  the  numbers  7  and  8,  the  hafts  are 
caused  to  diverge.  A  groove  or  channel,  9,  in  one  of  these  hafts,  when  united  with  a  similar  channel  in  the 
opposite  barb,  forms  a  hole  or  socket  for  the  reception  of  the  pointed  tip  of  the  yew  harpoon-shaft.  The  rear 
projection  of  the  hafts  (10,  11)  acts  as  barbs,  to  prevent  the  head  from  being  pulled  out  of  the  animal. 

Great  care  is  taken  with  the  disposition  of  the  ends  of  the  lanyard,  over  the  harpoon-head.  At  least  one 
heavy  strand  is  brought  through  the  socket  at  the  point  indicated  by  the  number  6  (see  also  Plate  8),  and  is 
worked  in  an  ingenious  fashion  under  the  other  wrappings.  This  makes  it  certain  that  the  lanyard  can  by  no 
chance  pull  away  from  the  barbs.  When  the  strands  are  disposed  over  the  head  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
artificer,  the  whole  head  is  wound  with  strips  of  wildcherry  bark  (numbered  21  in  the  diagram). 

At  this  time  the  blade.  6,  is  inserted  in  the  proper  socket  (5-6).  The  edge  15-16  fits  over  the  lashings  of 
the  head.  The  edge  numbered  14-15  rests  against  the  turn  of  sinew  cord  which  passes  over  the  point  6.  A 
thin  wedge  of  wood  is  driven  between  the  surface  of  the  blade  and  the  front  tip  of  the  hafting  (13,  Fig  a  or  c). 
The  blade  is  then  fastened  more  securely  in  place  with  spruce-gum.  A  solid  coating  of  the  gum  is  then  ap 
plied  over  the  whole  head,  making  it  very  smooth.  The  gum  is  scraped  away  from  the  edges  of  the  blade, 
which  are  very  painstakingly  sharpened.  The  surface  of  this  spruce-gum  coating  is  as  smooth  and  glossy  as 
varnish. 

The  front  end  of  the  lanyard,  near  the  harpoon-head,  is  served  with  nettle-fiber  string  (c,  19).  Beginning 
at  the  point  18,  the  nettle-string  wrapping  is  replaced  by  a  continuous  wrapping  or  "parceling"  of  wild-cherry 
bark,  which  covers  its  entire  length.  In  some  specimens,  however,  the  serving  of  nettle-fiber  string  goes  the 
entire  length  of  the  lanyard. 

THE   WHALING   LANYARD 

Notes  on  the  lanyard  contained  in  previous  accounts 

The  lanyard  is- a  strong  rope  of  whale  sinew,  an  inch  or  more  in  diameter,  very 
carefully  and  smoothly  laid,  served  with  string  made  of  nettle  fiber,  and  covered 
with  a  continuous  spiral  wrapping  of  strips  of  wild-cherry  bark  or  nettle-fiber  string. 
The  free  end  is  worked  very  neatly  into  a  loop  (Curtis,  Vol.  11,  p.  16;  Swan,  pp. 
19,  20,  39). 

The  Vancouver  Island  tribes  make  such  lanyards  of  sea-lion  gut,  split,  cleaned, 
and  dried,  and  rolled  into  a  hard  round  cord.  These  cords  are  wrapped  spirally 
with  string  made  of  nettle-fiber  (Curtis,  Vol.  9,  p.  54). 

BUOYS    OR   FLOATS 

Features  of  the  buoy  or  sealskin  float  described  by  other  writers 

Buoys  made  of  sealskin  are  attached  to  the  harpoon  line.  They  have  the  pur 
pose  of  retarding  the  whale,  and  of  making  the  carcass  float  after  the  animal's 
death.  Such  a  float  consists  of  the  skin  of  a  hair-seal,  turned  with  the  hair  inward, 
made  water-tight,  and  inflated  (Curtis,  Vol.  11,  pp.  31,  33,  35;  Swan,  p.  20).  The 
valve  for  inflatation  (according  to  one  author)  is  at  the  left  flipper  (Curtis,  Vol.  11, 
p.  33).  These  floats  are  painted  in  various  simple  patters  with  red  ochre 
(Swanp.30). 

The  male  hair-seal  supply  the  strongest  buoys.  The  skins  can  be  obtained  at 
any  season  of  the  year,  and  are  equally  good  at  all  times.  The  hide  or  pelt, 
tuqwA'k,  is  stripped  from  the  animal  with  as  little  cutting  as  possible.  The  head 
and  front  flippers  are  cut  away  and  the  body  encircled  about  halfway  down  its 
length.  The  skin  from  the  front  half  of  the  animal  is  then  "peeled  off"  in  a  for 
ward  direction,  turning  the  hide  inside  out.  This  skin  is  then  carefully  scraped 
to  get  the  "grease"  off.  Well  scraped  skins  last  better  and  are  more  pliable. 
After  the  scraping,  the  skin  is  usually  smoked,  which  turns  it  a  soft  brown  in 
color.  The  heles  left  by  removing  the  head  and  flippers  of  the  animal  are  stopped 
up  in  the  following  way  (see  figure  13):  A  plug  or  spool  of  wood  is  inserted  in 
the  orifice,  and  the  loose  hide  carefully  "gathered"  around  it,  as  smoothly  as 


1920] 


Makah  Indians 


35 


Fia.  13 — The  float  or  buoy :    a,  the  complete  float  with  its  attachments ;  6,  detail  drawing  showing  the  nipple 
and  plug  for  inflation.    Diameter  at  widest  part,  17  inches  (43  cm). 


NOMENCLATURE 

Lower  figure 

a.     Buoy,  tukwa'kap-iL  (=  .   .  .  .  outside). 

1.  Folds  of  hide,  hihtqsAqso,  bunched  or  gathered  around  a  wooden  spool. 

2.  Wooden   spool,  atciska'pub    «atct'L  =  something  put  between   other  things: 

"filler"). 

3.  Wrapping  of  gut  string,  which  binds  the  folds  of  hide  to  the  spool. 

4.  Yew- wood  peg  or  skewer,  kudu'tcskapub  (=  holding  something  in  place).     This 

prevents  the  wrapping  of  gut  string  from  slipping  over  the  spool. 

5.  Rope  of  spruce-root,  or  cedar-fiber. 

6.  Lashing  or  serving  of  sinew  string,  batLska'pub,  attaching  the  buoy-rope  to 

the  buoy. 

7.  Nipple,  or  perforated  spool,  by  which  the  buoy  is  inflated. 

8.  Plug  or  stopper,  hukska'pub    (<hvkstcu  =  to  screw  in:  this   stopper  fits   the 

opening  very  tightly,  to  prevent  the  buoy  from  becoming  deflated). 

Upper  figure 

7.  Nipple. 

8.  Stopper. 

9.  Folds  of  hide. 

10.     Wrappiing  of  gut  string,  which  fastens  the  hide  to  the  spool. 


36  Waterman  [Vol.  1 

possible.  These  folds  are  then  fastened  down  to  the  spool  by  winding  with  gut 
string.  A  peg  or  skewer  is  then  thrust  transversely  through  the  folds  of  hide,  to 
prevent  this  wrapping  from  slipping  over  the  spool.  The  plug  at  one  of  the 
front  flippers  is  perforated  down  its  axis.  This  opening  serves  for  the  inflation 
of  the  float.  When  filled  with  air,  the  hole  is  stoppered  with  a  small  wooden 
plug  or  "cork"  of  yew  wood.  Accidental  leaks  in  the  buoy,  such  as  those  made- 
by  the  hunter  in  killing  the  animal,  are  stopped  by  plugging  with  a  piece  of  rope. 
Such  a  mend  or  patch  is  called  q'a'tstcu  (q'a'tscitL,=to  make  a  difficult  patch,  or 
repair).  A  cedar  or  spruce-root  line  is  attached  to  the  buoy,  being  strongly  lashed 
at  either  end  to  it  with  sinew.  The  free  ends  of  this  rope  serve  to  attach  the  buoy 
to  the  whaling  line.  As  is  usual  with  Makah  lines,  the  ends  are  reduced  in  size, 
tapering  down  at  their  tips.  This  makes  the  line  easier  to  tie,  but  must  apparently 
reduce  its  strength.  These  buoys  are  kept  in  a  flattened  condition.  Before  be 
ing  used,  they  are  soaked  in  water,  and  inflated.  This  work  is  done  when  on  the 
whaling  grounds  (see  below). 

The  principal  features  of  the  ornamentation  of  seal-skin  buoys  can  be  seen 
in  the  figure.  The  areas  where  the  head  and  flippers  once  were  are  colored  solid 
with  red  ochre,  Ltxtce'hibis,  mixed  with  rotten  salmon  roe,  a'tcpab.  These  areas 
are  surrounded  with  several  concentric  circles.  In  addition  to  these  simple  orna 
mented  areas,  figures  are  sometimes  added  to  represent  the  thunder-bird,  LukLu'tc, 
or  the  "lightning  animal,  "xexe'tu'k;  the  latter  a  creature  having  the  shape  of  a 
snake,  striped  transversely  with  black  and  white,  who  travels  through  the  air. 
These  designs  are  not  totemic,  but  are  intended  in  some  mysterious  way  to  make 
the  buoy  more  deadly  to  the  whale. 

The  pursuit  of  the  hair-seal  whose  hides  supplied  the  buoys  was  itself  an  oc 
cupation  not  devoid  of  excitement.  The  two  pronged  harpoon  used  for  this  purpose, 
and  for  porpoise  hunting,  and  the  method  of  handling  the  canoe,  are  described  in 
detail  by  Boas  (1909,  pp.  488-495;  500-504,  506)  and  need  not  be  gone  into  here. 
The  Makah  used  also  to  waylay  the  seal  at  their  "haul-up"  places.  They  could 
sometimes  kill  a  seal  at  75  feet,  by  hurling  the  harpoon,  though  they  usually  cast 
at  a  distance  of  30  feet.  Sometimes  a  big  bull  when  harpooned  would  show  fight. 
and  threaten  to  tear  a  canoe  to  pieces.  In  .that  case,  they  bent  a  buoy  onto  the  har 
poon  line  and  let  it  go,  picking  the  quarry  up  after  he  had  died  of  his  wounds. 
They  usually  carried  one  or  more  buoys  in  a  canoe  for  this  purpose  and  to  use  as 
life-preservers  in  case  of  a  capsize. 

Swan  (p.  30.)  tells  of  deep  caverns  in  the  cliffs,  in  which  the  seals  congregate. 
He  says  briefly  that  the  Indians  go  in  with  a  torch  and  kill  numbers  by  clubbing 
them.  The  actual  procedure  has  some  picturesque  features.  There  are  ten  or 
more  of  these  caverns  in  the  vicinity  of  Cape  Flattery,  including  some  on  Tatoosh 
Island,  and  certain  of  them  are  of  enormous  dimensions,  extending  into  the  bowels 
of  the  Cape  for  some  hundreds  of  yards.  A  cliff  containing  several  of  these  caves 
may  be  seen  in  Plate  30.  The  hunter  tied  his  hair  (which  was  formerly  worn  long) 
in  a  knot  on  the  top  of  his  head.  This  knot  was  firmly  wrapped  with  sinew,  and  a 
skewer  run  through  to  keep  the  wrapping  from  slipping  off.  Into  this  knot  of  hair 


1920]  Makah  Indians,  37 

long  splints  of  spruce' pitch- wood  (duqwi'ets)  Svere  thrust,  so  that  they  stood  up 
vertically.  The  best  •  pitch-wood  was  selected  for  this  purpose,  dried,  and  split 
into  fine  pieces.  These  ''lights"r  or.  splints  .were,  two  feet  long.  When  this  appar 
atus  was  securely  in  place  on,his-head;  .the:  hunter  took  his  sealing  club,  lighted  the 
splints  at  the  top,  lowered  himself  .into  the  s'ea,.and  swam  into  the  cave.  The  light 
of  the  burning  splints  blinded '.and  stupified  the  seals,  and  enabled  the  hunter  to 
club  them  easily.  When  he  had  killed  five  'or  six,  he  tied  them  together,  took  the 
ends  of  the  thong  in  his  teeth,  and  towing  his  kill  behind  him,  swam  out  again. 

A  number  of  years  ago  a  hunter  went  with,  a  companion  to  certain  sea  cave 
which  has  a  very  small  opening,  a  sort  of  oblique  slit,  very  narrow  and  difficult 
to  get  through.  When  he  was  well  inside,  the  surf  put  his  light  out,  leaving  him 
in  inky  blackness.  There  was  a  tremendous  and  incessant  swishing  of  waves  in  the 
darkness  on  every  side,  and  the  hunter,  becoming  confused,  had  no  means  of  knowing 
which  way  the  entrance  lay.  The  companion  in  the  canoe  outside  the  cave  foolishly 
idled  most  of  the  afternoon,  waiting  for  the  hunter  to  appear.  Then  he  was  driven 
away  by  a  sudden  squall.  The  next  day  it  was  calm  again,  and  a  rescue  party  went 
to  the  cave.  A  volunteer  put  on  his  head  the  usual  outfit  of  splints,  swam  far  into 
the  depths  of  the  cavern,  and  there  found  our  hero  sitting  placidly  on  a  shelf  of 
rock.  When  his  light  went  out,  he  "hauled  up"  like  a  seal, 'and  with  true  Indian 
patience,  sat  there  without  light,  fire,  raiment  or  food,  until  help  came. 

LINES   AND   ROPES 

Boas  gives  a  complete  account  of  the  manufacture  of  the  various  kinds  of 
ropes  and  lines  (1909.  pp.  369-382),  including  the  gathering  and  preparation  of 
fibres.  The  manufacture  of  lines  is  also  referred  to  by  Curtis,  (Vol.  9,  p.  146; 
Vol.  11,  p.  16)  and  Swan  (p.  21).  It  may  be  well  to  merely  enumerate  the  prin 
ciple  varieties.  The  stem  of  the  kelp  is  dried  and  used  for  fish-lines.  String  of 
nettle  fibre  is  sometimes  used  for  the  same  purpose.  The  harpoon  lanyard  is 
manufactured  from  whale  sinew,  wound  or  served  with  nettle-fibre  string,  and 
covered  with  a  wrapping  of  cherry-bark.  These  lanyards  are  beautiful  examples 
of  workmanship.  Fine '  lines,  which  are,  however,  very  strong,  are  made  from 
sea-lion  intestine  (called  tskikyu'p  by  the  Makah),  which  is  split  and  rolled  into 
a  string.  These  lines  are  used  just  as  they  are  for  many  purposes,  for  example, 
for  bow  strings ,  and  for  the  halyards  of  the  canoe  sail.  Ropes  consisting  of  a 
number  of  strands  of  this  material  are  sometimes  manufactured.  Bear-guts  are 
sometimes  used  in  a  similar  way  Curtis  mentions  a  rope  of  gut,  twisted  spirally 
with  nettle-fibre  string,  as  being  made  on  Vancouver  Island.  Lines  are  made  of 
seal-skin  and  elk-hide.  The  hide  is  cut  spirally  in  a  long  narrow  strip,  and  this 
strip  rolled  or  twisted  into  a  thong.  Such  thongs  can  be  used  as  they  are,  or 
twisted  or  plaited  into  heavier  lines.  Bark  fibres  are  somtimes  made  into  ropes. 
The  heavy  lines,  such  as  are  used  in  whaling  tackle,  consist  either  of  spruce-root 
fibres,  or  slender  cedar  withes.  Very  long  cedar  twigs  somewhat  thicker  than  a 
pencil  are  cut  from  the  tree,  being  very  carefully  selected.  The  bark  is  removed. 


38  Waterman  [Vol.  1 

and  by  heating,  twisting  and  working,  the  fibres  are  separated  until  the  twig  is 
practically  as  soft  and  pliable  as  rope.  These  withes  are  then  ready  for  use, 
for  example,  in  fastening  the  thwarts  in  a  canoe  as  described  above  (page  21).  In 
this  condition,  they  are  stronger  than  hemp  rope,  and  five  times  as  durable. 
They  were  also  woven  into  excellent  large  ropes,  which  were  very  smoothly  and 
evenly  laid  in  three  strands.  These  various  kinds  of  lines  are  used  in  differ 
ent  ways  in  the  whaling  tackle,  largely  depending  upon  the  supply  of  each  that 
is  available.  Towing  us  usually  done  with  elk-hide  ropes,  but  if  lots  of  line  is 
needed,  cedar  is  used  to  piece  out. 

THE  WHALE  HUNT 

The  hunting  of  the  whale  has  for  the  white  observer  two  distinct  aspects. 
From  our  point  of  view  the  matter  of  greatest  concern  would  be  the  arrange 
ment  of  the  tackle  within  the  boat,  and  the  methods  of  approaching  and  striking 
the  quarry.  From  the  Indian  standpoint,  however,  the  really  important  matter 
is  the  proper  observance  before  and  during  the  hunt  of  various  cermonial  per 
formances  for  procuring  help  from  the  spirits.  The  Indians,  to  be  sure,  see  with 
the  very  greatest  care  to  all  practical  matters  connected  with  whaling  expeditions, 
but  they  seem  to  look  upon  the  religious  performances  as  much  more  essential  to 
success.  Secrecy  in  the  religious  preparations  ie  very  commonly  observed.  Curtis 
in  his  volume  on  the  Nootka  gives  a  great  deal  of  information  about  whale  hunt 
ing.  Quite  an  elaborate  account  of  a  whaling  expedition,  an  account  which  describes 
both  the  ceremonialism  and  the  operations  of  killing  and  disposing  of  the  quarry, 
will  be  found  in  the  same  volume,  pp.  19-34.  This  passage  is  the  story  of  a 
Nootka  hero  Umik  and  his  successor.  Swan  gives  some  information,  very  briefly. 
We  may  discuss  first  the  ceremonies,  the  outstanding  features  of  which  may  be 
summarized  as  follows. 

Religious  observances  connected  with  tvhate-hunting  as  described,  by  other  authors. 

Help  from  the  spirits.  Possession  of  a  "medicine,"  or  power  of  a  spiritual 
nature,  is  necessary  before  a  man  can  sucessfully  captain  a  whaling  canoe  (Curtis, 
Vol.  9,  p.  9;  Vol.  11,  p.  16). 

Bathing.  This  is  a  most  necessary  part  of  the  preparation  for  a  hunt.  The 
seeker  after  "power"  goes  early  every  morning  to  a  freshwater  lake  or  pond.  En 
tering  the  water  at  dawn,  he  sits  down  until  the  skin  is  "soaked"  well.  Then  he 
stands  up  and  rubs  himself  with  bunches  of  hemlock  twigs,  about  one  span  in  length, 
beginning  the  operation  on  the  left  side  of  his  body.  When  the  needles  are  worn 
off  of  one  bunch,  and  the  bare  twigs  covered  with  blood,  he  wades  ashore,  takes 
a  second  bunch,  and  rubs  his  right  side.  He  continues  this  until  the  four  bunches 
with  which  he  has  provided  himself  are  all  used  up,  (Curtis,  Vol.  11,  p.  20). 

Imitating  the  whale.  After  rubbing,  the  candidate  dives  down,  staying  under 
as  long  as  possible.  Mention  is  made  of  blood  bursting  from  a  bather's  ears  from  long 
submergence.  He  does  this  four  times,  and  on  emerging  each  time,  he  blows  a 
mouthful  of  water  toward  the  center  of  the  lake,  trying  to  make  a  sound  resembling 
the  blowing  of  the  whale  (Curtis,  Vol.  11,  p.  20). 


1920]  Makah  Indians  39 

His  movements  are  always  quiet,  and  slow;  "so  that  the  whale  will  act  in  the 
same  way"  (Curtis,  Vol.  11,  p.  25).  [The  point  is  that  otherwise  the  whale,  when 
struck,  may  thresh  about  and  knock  the  canoe  to  fragments,  or  may  set  off  at  high 
speed  and  tow  the  party  twenty  miles  to  sea.] 

When  a  whaler's  wife  is  helping  him  at  his  devotions,  she  sometimes  holds  the 
end  of  a  rope  which  is  tied  about  his  waist  [representing  the  harpoon  line.]  In  this 
condition  he  sings  whaling  songs,  and  walks  around  her,  with  the  slow  undulating 
movements  of  the  whale,  the  woman  repeating  over  and  over  again,  "This  is  the 
way  the  whale  will  act!"  (Curtis,  Vol.  11,  p.  38). 

Mention  is  made  by  Curtis  of  a  performance  by  a  whaler,  in  which  he  stands 
erect  in  a  pond,  shaking  a  rattle,  and  holding  his  left  hand  out  with  the  thumb  stick 
ing  up  "like  the  fin  of  a  whale"  (Vol.  11,  p.  37). 

Prayers.  Whalers  pray  at  night  in  whispers  for  success.  Mention  is  made 
of  "Four  Chiefs,"  to  whom  they  pray  (Curtis,  Vol.  11,  p.  28).  They  are  also 
reported  to  bes  the  sun  for  success.  [The  present  writer's  informant  insists  that 
they  direct  their  prayers  to  Daylight,  tL'isi'xaq,  not  to  the  sun ;  the  word  for  sun 
being  tL'tsi'xa'piL],  They  also  pray  directly  to  the  whales,  both  in  the  prepara 
tion-period,  and  after  the  animal  is  struck  by  the  harpoon.  The  following  prayer 
of  a  Clayquot  bather  deserves  to  be  quoted  at  length.  It  is  given  in  Curtis'  volume 
on  the  Nootka  (Vol.  11,  p.  37). 

"Whale,  I  want  you  to  come  near  me,  so  that  I  will  get  hold  of  your  heart 
and  deceive  it,  so  that  I  will  have  strong  legs  and  not  be  trembling  and  excited 
when  the  whale  comes  and  I  spear  him.  Whale,  you  must  not  run  out  to  sea  when 
I  spear  you.  Whale  if  I  spear  you,  I  want  my  spear  to  strike  your  heart.  Har 
poon,  when  I  use  you,  I  want  you  to  go  to  the  heart  of  the  whale.  Whale,  when  I 
spear  at  you  and  miss  you,  I  want  you  to  take  hold  of  my  spear  with  your  hands. 
Whale,  do  not  break  my  canoe,  for  I  am  going  to  do  good  to  you.  I  am  going  to 
put  eagle-down  and  cedar  bark  in  your  back." 

After  the  whale  is  struck,  songs  are  sung  to  make  him  "come  along"  easily. 
"When  the  whale  is  weak  and  going  ashore,  he  likes  to  hear  the  whaler  sing," 
(Curtis.  Vol.  11,  p.  37).  These  songs  themselves  are  in  the  nature  of  prayers. 
The  following  is  an  example:  "It  is  good  for  you  to  go  quickly  toward  the  shore, 
so  that  the  young  men  may  see  you  quickly,  for  they  all  wish  to  see  you."  (Nootka 
song,  Curtis,  Vol.  11,  p.  32).  Series  consisting  of  one  hundred  "towing  songs"  are 
mentioned. 

The  following  prayer  is  utteered,  according  to  Curtis,  after  a  whale  is  har 
pooned:  "Whale,  I  have  given  you  what  you  wish  to  get — my  good  harpoon.  And 
now  you  have  it.  Please  hold  it  with  your  strong  hands.  Do  not  let  go.  Whale, 
turn  toward  the  fine  beach  of  Yahksis,  and  you  will  be  proud  to  see  the  young  men 
come  down  on  the  fine  sandy  beach  of  my  village  at  Yahksis  to  see  you;  and  the 
young  men  will  say  to  one  another:  'What  a  great  whale  he  is!  What  a  fat  whale 
he  is !  What  a  strong  whale  he  is !'  And  you,  whale,  will  be  proud  of  all  that  you 
will  hear  them  say  of  your  greatness.  Whale,  do  not  turn  outward,  but  hug  the 
shore,  and  tow  me  to  the  beach  of  my  village  of.  Yahksis,  for  when  you  come  ashore 
there,  young  men  will  cover  your  great  body  with  bluebill  duck  feathers,  and  with 
the  down  of  the  great  eagle,  the  chief  of  all  birds;  for  this  is  what  you  are  wish 
ing,  and  this  is  what  you  are  trying  to  find  from  one  end  of  the  world  to  the  other, 
every  da}'  you  are  traveling  and  spouting."  (Vol.  11,  p.  23). 

Use  of  Skeletons  and  Corpses.  All  sources  of  information  mention  a  curious 
practice  of  using  skeletons,  or  skulls,  or  corpses,  during  the  ceremonial  bathing. 
One  of  Curtis'  Quilliute  whalers  used  to  take  a  skull  from  a  burial  place,  tie  it  on 


40  ITaterman  [Vol.  1 

a  rope  about  his  waist,  and  then  swim  about,  "sounding"  and  "blowing"  like  a 
whale.  That  was  why  he  was  successful,  taking  over  forty  whales  in  all,  (Vol.  9,  p. 
147).  In  some  cases  skeletons  from  grave  boxes  are  "joined  up"  and  suspended 
somewhere  in  the  woods.  Prayers  are  directed  to  them,  and  they  are  carried  on  the 
whaler's  back  as  he  bathes.  The  arms  of  the  skeleton  are  tied  together  behind  its 
head,  and  the  whaler  puts  his  head  through  the  arms,  getting  the  cadaver  on  his  back 
(Curtis,  Vol.  11,  p.  25).  Then  he  swims  about  in  the  pond,  diving  and  spouting. 

In  former  times,  fresh  corpses  were  used  in  this  way  (Curtis,  Vol.  11,  pp.  103- 
110).  The  body  must  be  that  of  a  male,  dead  not  more  than  four  days.  Occasionally 
a  small  boy  could  be  killed  for  the  purpose.  Sometimes  the  corpse  was  skinned, 
by  cutting  along  the  front  of  the  body  and  the  inside  of  the  hips,  the  whaler  diving 
with  the  skin  tied  on  his  own  body  (Curtis,  Vol.  11,  p.  39).  When  a  corpse  was 
used,  the  lower  part  of  the  legs  and  the  forearms  were  cut  off.  A  pad  of  rose 
bushes  and  nettles  was  put  on  the  whaler's  back,  and  the  body  was  placed  upon  that 
pad,  the  back  of  the  corpse  against  the  whaler's  back.  One  time  a  man  put  a 
corpse  on  his  back  in  preparation  for  bathing,  face  forward,  and  it  took  a  death  grip 
on  his  throat,  and  killed  him.  When  visiting  a  grave-box  to  get  a  dead  body,  the 
whaler  walked  with  an  undulating  movement  (Curtis,  Vol.  11,  p.  39). 

Taboos.  Whalers  are  very  careful  in  observing  taboo  in  connection  with 
women.  It  is  best  to  avoid  any  kind  of  contact  or  association  with  women,  for 
some  of  them  might  be  ceremonially  unclean  (Curtis,  Vol.  11,  p.  23).  The  whaler's 
wife  helps  him  with  his  vigils,  but  the  two  sleep  in  separate  places,  and  avoid  all 
mention  or  thought  of  sex  matters  (Curtis,  Vol.  11,  p.  34).  The  woman  bathes,  as 
does  her  husband,  spouting  like  a  whale,  sometimes  with  a  skeleton  on  her  back. 
At  the  time  when  the  whaler  embarks  for  the  hunt,  the  woman  lies  down  with  a  new 
mat  over  her,  and  does  not  move,  or  eat,  or  drink,  until  her  husband  returns  (Curtis. 
Vol.  11,  p.  35).  The  whaler  himself  never  eats  whale  meat,  lest  he  have  difficulty 
in  killing  more  whales  (Curtis,  Vol.  11,  p.  18). 

Ceremonial  Dress.  The  whaler  and  his  wife  wear  a  head  dress  of  split 
feathers  and  ornaments  resembling  thee  "saddle"  of  the  whale  (Curtis,  Vol.  11, 
pp.  38,  39.  These  head-feathers  and  some  other  decorations  are  shown  in  Curtis' 
photographs,  Vol.  11,  pp.  20,  22,  28,  Folio,  Plate  382,  395).  When  putting  to  sea 
in  charge  of  his  boat,  the  whaler  wears  hemlock  twigs  on  his  forehead,  and  a  bear 
skin  robe  (Curtis,  Vol.  11,  pp.  9,  30).  WThalers  tie  their  hair  in  a  sort  of  knot  or 
club  at  the  back  of  the  head  (Swan,  p.  17). 

Astronomical  considerations  connected  with  zvhale-hunting.  Whalers  observe 
the  phases  of  the  moon  in  connection  with  their  preparatory  observances.  All 
through  the  winter  they  bathe  when  the  moon  is  waxing  (Curtis,  Vol.  9,  p.  145). 
Thev  start  on  their  expedition  when  they  see  the  first  new  moon  "in  the  month  of 
May"  (Curtis,  Vol.  11,  p.  44).  In  connection  with  the  feasts  accompanying  a  suc 
cessful  hunt,  mention  is  made  of  gull  feathers  being  stuck  into  the  "saddle"'  or 
"hump"  of  the  whale,  to  represent  the  moon,  in  the  phase  it  presents  at  the  mo 
ment  (Curtis,  Vol.  11,  p.  40).  The  supernatural  power  usually  comes  to  a  man 
"with  the  changing  year."  [That  is,  the  winter  solstice:  direct  observation  by 
sighting  past  a  tree  or  a  boulder  is  relied  upon  for  ascertaining  the  occurrence  of 
this  phenomenon!  (Curtis,  Vol.  9,  p.  145)]. 

Dreams.  Dreams  play  a  part  in  the  whaler's  life.  According  to  my  inform 
ant,  a  man  in  bathing  often  scrubs  himself  with  some  plant  about  which  he  had 
dreamed;  seaweed,  for  example.  As  mentioned  by  Curtis  (Vol.  9,  p.  145)  the 
whalers  wait  for  a  vision  of  getting  a  whale,  and  then  start  on  their  expedition. 


1920]  Makah  Indians  41 

ARRANGEMENT    OF    EQUIPMENT    FOR    WHALING. 

Curtis  in  volume  11,  p.  17  of  his  work,  gives  a  brief  description  of  whaling 
methods.  I  have  been  able  to  find  no  complete  account  of  the  actual  pursuit  of  the 
whale,  so  the  matter  may  perhaps  be  gone  into  here.  The  stowing  of  the  complicated 
equipment  in  the  canoe  involves  a  very  high  technique.  We  may  consider  this  mat 
ter  first.  Mention  has  already  been  made  of  the  "spaces"  into  which  the  canoe  is 
divided  by  the  thwarts.  These  spaces  are  apportioned  for  the  different  operations 
of  the  hunt.  They  are  indicated  in  the  accompanying  diagram  (Figure  14). 

The  most  important  man  in  the  whaling  canoe  is  the  harpooner.  He  is  the 
leader  of  the  party,  and  captains  the  expedition.  His  native  title  is  y'u'tax,  hunter 
or  searcher.  His  position  is  in  the  bow  of  the  boat,  where  he  takes  his  stand  with 
his  weapon.  The  harpoon  itself  is  sixteen  feet  long,  and  carries  on  its  point  the 
bone-barbed  harpoon-head,  which  is  edged  with  mussel  shell  (see  page  32  above 
for  a  description  of  the  weapon).  To  the  harpoon  is  attached  about  four  fathoms 
of  tough  sinew  rope,  with  a  noose  at  the  end.  The  space  at  the  bow  where  the 
hunter  stands  is  kept  clear  of  everything  so  that  the  chief  performer  shall  not  be 
hampered  in  handling  his  weapon.  Things  "happen"  very  quickly  when  the  whale 
is  struck,  and  any  confusion  of  the  tackle,  or  a  momentary  fouling,  may  mean  the 
loss  of  the  whale,  or  the  capsizing  of  the  boat.  The  man  in  the  next  adjoining 
space  abaft  the  hunter's  position,  on  the  port  side,  has  as  his  single  duty  the  prompt 
"bending  on"  of  a  buoy  together  with  eight  or  ten  fathoms  of  heavy  cedar  rope.  All 
of  this  tackle  is  tied  by  means  of  a  reef-knot  (t'a'buqcL)  to  a  loop  at  the  end  of 
a  sinew  leader.  As  the  whale  goes  down,  after  being  struck,  one  section  of  lins 
after  another  is  bent  to  the  first  one.  Sealskin  floats,  qwiso':tAs(c  cf.qwiso'-tL  ,= 
bladder),  also  are  attached  by  special  knots,  at  intervals  of  two  fathoms.  The  whale- 
is  always  harpooned  from  the  right  hand  or  port  side  of  the  boat,  and  it  is  the  duty 
of  the  men  seated  along  this  side  to  help  clear  this  tackle  and  get  it  overboard.  No 
"ties"  or  knots  are  made  between  different  sections  of  the  gear,  until  each  new  sec 
tion  is  safely  over  the  side  and  clear  of  the  boat.  The  whale  takes  the  line  out 
very  rapidly  at  first,  and  if  the  tackle  were  joined  up  in  the  boat,  any  delay  in  get 
ting  it  over  the  side  would  cause  the  boat  to  be  jerked  under  water,  or  would  cause 
a  capsize.  In  addition  to  the  harpoon  and  its  complete  outfit  of  floats  and  lines, 
the  boat  carries  a  sort  of  bone-pointed  lance  (butu'ysk)  some  four  or  five  feet  long, 
for  use  in  dispatching  the  whale  at  close  quarters,  bailers  (xutcA'k),  wooden  boxes 
(tcA'xsyb)  of  drinking  water,  a  large  number  of  extra  floats,  towing  lines  of  elk- 
hide,  cedar  rope  (tla'cuk),  and  food  for  the  crew  for  at  least  two  days.  All  of  this 
equipment  takes  up  room.  The  stowing  of  the  apparatus  so  that  it  can  be  gotten 
out  easily  and  rapidly  and  at  the  same  time  not  interfere  with  the  crew,  is  a  highly 
developed  art.  Each  pair  of  paddlers  sit  on  the  upturned  end  of  a  canoe-mat, 
tc'i'b'at,  (^something  put  under  one)  which  is  laid  down  on  the  flooring,  turned 
up  behind  the  thwart,  and  folded  forward  so  as  to  cover  it.  Thus  the  mat  serves  to 
cushion  the  seat,  and  also  serves  the  purpose  of  preventing  the  tackle  in  that  par 
ticular  compartment  from  working  astern  and  getting  mixed  up  with  other  parts  of 
the  equipment,  or  interfering  with  the  bailing  of  the  canoe. 


42  Waterman  [Vol.  1 

THE    PURSUIT    OF    THE    WHALE. 

It  is  the  Indian  belief  that  a  "run"  of  whales  occurs  during  a  certain  season  of 
the  year,  corresponding  to  the  run  of  salmon,  or  halibut.  The  species  called  sixwa'ox 
or  "sore  faces"  (see  below)  are  the  first  to  run,  migrating  northward.  The  whalers 
used  to  put  off  from  shore  at  sunset,  in  a  spell  of  whaling  weather,  so  as  to  get  on 
the  whaling  grounds  at  daybreak.  They  usually  encountered  whales  travelling  north 
ward  along  the  coast.  The  various  kinds  of  whales  they  recognize  are  as  follows : 

California  grey  whale.  Rachianectes  glaucus,  called  by  Swan  che-che-wid.  This 
is  the  kind  most  frequently  taken. 

Sperm  whale,  called  by  Swan  kots-ke,  meaning,  according  to  my  infromation. 
"having  something  upon  the  head".  There  are  several  species  of  these,  including 
the  cachalot  (Rhyseter  macrocephalus)  and  the  saw-toothed  whale  (Ziphius  carros- 
tris),  which  my  informant  does  not  distinguish  one  from  the  other. 

Right  whale  (Balaenoptera  artifera?),  called  itc'y'p  "old  one"  (Swan  gives 
yakh'-yo-bad-di,  not  explained). 

.  .  .  .Humpback  whale  (Megaptera  veisibilis),  called  sixwa'ox,  or  "sore  faces" 
(<si'xwi^sore).  This  variety  is  said  to  be  similar  to  the  right  whale  in  propor 
tions,  and  "runs"  in  the  spring.  The  oil  obtained  from  them  is  reddish. 

Finback  whale  (Balaenoptera  davidsoni  or  B.  vilifera^),  called  ka'owad,  "stick 
ing  up  in  the  middle"  (<ka"ap==protruding:  apa'owAd=in  the  middle). 

Sulphur-bottom  whale  (Balaenoptera  sulfurea),  called  kwaqwawe'axtLi,  "noisy 
tail"  (Swan  gives  kwa-kwau-yak-^hle,  not  explained). 

Killerwhale,  or  "blackfish"  (Orca),  called  klasqo'kapix  «klaska'piL=smooth; 
-iL,  generic). 

When  on  the  ground  where  whales  might  be  expected,  the  seal-skin  floats, 
which  after  soaking  to  make  them  soft,  have  been  packed  into  the  canoe  in  a  flat 
tened  condition,  are  gotten  out  and  inflated.  The  harpooner,  takes  his  stand  in  the 
bow  with  his  sixteen  foot  weapon,  its  barbed  head,  to  which  is  attached  the  sinew 
lanyard,  in  readiness  at  its  tip.  The  lanyard  is  "caught"  to  the  shaft  in  several 
places  with  cedar  bark  lashing,  which  breaks  very  easily.  He  usually  plants  his 
right  foot  firmly  at  a  point  forward  of  the  bow  seat,  and  rests  his  left  foot  on  a  pair 
of  short  braces  at  the  stem  of  the  boat.  This  posture  is  called  yetsa'wad  «ye'tscd 
=to  kick).  In  this  position,  closely  scanning  the  water  ahead  of  him,  he  repeats  a 
prayer.  It  is  sometimes  very  hard  to  find  whales,  and  to  come  up  with  them.  At 
other  times  no  trouble  of  any  kind  is  experienced.  It  all  depends,  say  the  Indians, 
on  the  bathing  a  man  has  done.  The  whale  when  seen  by  the  Indian  is  usually  fol 
lowing  a  school  of  small  fish.  Coming  up  for  breath,  he  rolls  forward  under  water 
and  disappears  from  sight,  a  moment  later  appearing  again  and  "blowing."  His 
motion  is  regular,  and  deliberate.  The  canoe  cuts  across  his  course  and  "lays"  for 
him.  When  it  seems  possible  to  meet  him  in  one  dash,  the  steersman,  tLttc-a',  gives 
to  the  crew  the  word  "hatsLtsatL"  (come  on!").  This  steersman  is  usually  an  elder 
ly  man,  with  a  great  deal  of  experience.  The  idea  is  to  run  up  along  side  of  the 
whale  as  he  emerges,  so  that  he  is  to  the  right  of  the  canoe.  Combined  luck  and 
skill  are  required  to  bring  the  canoe  sharply  alongside  of  the  quarry,  and  there  is 


1920]  Makah  Indians  43 

usually  not  an  instant  to  spare.  When  close  to  the  whale  the  starboard  man  on  the 
forward  seat,  spoken  of  as  the  kaqai'yuwaxs  (from  his  position  in  the  forward 
"space")  has  the  right  to  give  the  word  cV,  ("now  throw!").  The  hunter  is  more 
or  less  guided  by  the  judgement  of  the  men  behind  him,  all  of  whom  have  their  eyes 
on  the  quarry.  Sometimes  the  canoe  runs  fairly  upon  the  animal  as  he  emerges, 
the  harpooneer  striking  him  from  a  distance  of  six  feet. 

In  brandishing  his  weapon,  the  harpooneer  keeps  his  weight  well  forward  on 
his  feet,  to  insure  steadiness.  He  swings  the  harpoon  up  over  his  head,  turning  his 
body  towards  the  right  side,  the  palms  of  both  hands,  in  which  he  grasps  the  shaft, 
turned  outward.  This  does  not  seem  to  be  the  natural  position  for  a  lunge,  until  it  is 
tried,  experimentally.  This  posture  as  a  matter  of  fact  gives  much  greater  power, 
control,  and  freedom  of  effort,  and  enables  the  hunter  to  strike  downward  with  all 
his  might,  and  yet  recover  his  balance  quickly.  This  latter  is  a  very  essential  point. 
Old  Anderson,  of  Neah  Bay,  nichnamed  de'cyk  ("strong"),  once,  in  trying  to  regain 
his  balance  after  striking  a  whale^  stepped  on  a  coil  of  the  harpoon-line  and  got  his 
foot  entangled  in  it.  The  next  moment  he  was  twitched  off  his  feet  and  pulled  over 
board,  a  bight  of  line  around  his  ankle.  A  stricken  whale  when  he  "sounds,"  is 
sometimes  gone  for  fifteen  minutes,  and  when  Anderson's  friends  saw  him  go  down 
with  the  whale  they  thought  he  would  certainly  be  drowned.  He  managed  to  get  a 
grip  on  the  line,  however,  and  disengaged  his  foot,  and  came  up  blowing.  He  lived 
to  harpoon  many  a  whale  after  this  adventure. 

The  best  time  to  strike  the  whale  is  just  as  his  head  becomes  submerged,  as  he 
"turns  over"  preparatory  to  going  down.  If  struck  while  his  tail  is  in  the  air,  he  is 
likely  to  knock  the  canoe  into  bits.  Quite  commonly  a  whale  when  struck  flirts  water 
over  the  boat  until  it  is  completely  hidden  from  spectators,  and  filled  half  full.  One 
switch  of  the  tail,  if  it  "lands",  has  been  known  to  knock  the  bow  off  a  canoe,  and 
split  it  open  from  stem  to  stern.  The  inflated  buoys  in  case  of  such  a  catastrophe 
are  very  convenient  to  hang  to,  until  something  can  be  done  with  the  boat.  Cases 
have  been  known,  in  which  whale  hunters  caught  in  such  an  evil  case,  threw  a  line 
over  the  boat  so  as  to  draw  the  pieces  together,  then  put  some  floats  under  the  gun 
wales  to  buoy  the  boat  up,  and  finally  caulked  the  seam  with  a  piece  of  shirt,  and 
paddled  home,  after  bailing  out.  jkJBK\r\  IJCXKHIBg 

The  moment  the  whale  is  struck,  the  man  behind  the  harpooner  throws  over 
a  float,  instantly.  In  the  interval  of  a  second  or  two,  he  bends  this  float  to  the  har 
poon  line.  Meanwhile  the  other  members  of  the  crew  back  water  with  all  their  might, 
to  get  clear  of  their  huge  quarry.  As  he  "sounds"  and  takes  out  the  line,  additional 
floats  are  bent  on,  new  lines  being  added  as  the  quarry  goes  into  the  depths.  As 
many  as  thirteen  floats  may  be  attached  to  one  line.  The  sections  of  line  last  ad 
ded  are  lighter,  since  there  is  less  strain  upon  them.  Last  of  all  a  small  buoy  is 
added  to  serve  as  a  "marker,"  attached  by  a  very  light  cord.  This  buoy  remains 
near  the  surface,  and  when  the  whale  starts  upward  from  his  long  submergence,  it 
bobs  quickly  to  the  surface,  long  before  the  whale  himself  appears.  The  canoe 
races  forward  to  that  point,  ready  to  plant  another  harpoon.  Meanwhile,  signals 
are  made  to  any  other  canoe  in  the  vicinity,  that  the  quarry  has  been  struck.  One 


44  Waterman  [Vol.  1 

of  the  crew  stands  up  and  calls  "hya+o"  and  sticks  up  a  blanket  on  a  pole.  The 
successful  hunter  promises  the  other  crew  some  certain  definite  part  of  the  animal, 
for  example,  the  tongue,  for  their  help  in  killing  the  game.  Every  harpoon  that  is 
struck  into  the  whale  carries  a  buoy,  and  as  the  number  of  these  buoys  increases  the 
drag  on  the  animal's  progress  is  soon  very  serious.  A  wounded  whale  who  has  been 
struck  a  number  of  times,  often  cannot  get  more  than  six  feet  below  the  surface, 
hampered  as  he  is  by  these  buoyant  floats.  However,  the  huge  animal  if  often  ex 
traordinarily  tenacious  of  life,  and  what  turns  out  to  be  a  weary  fight  for  the  tired 
canoemen,  continues  for  hours.  An  old  Indian,  buts'e'kxa,  nicknamed  Santa  Ana, 
once  volunteered  to  ride  a  badly  wounded  whale.  He  clung  fast  to  the  lines,  and 
dispatched  the  cetacean  with  a  butcher-knife,  by  means  of  repeated  hacking.  When 
the  whale  "sounded"  he  clung  fast  and  "went  under"  with  him,  stabbing  him  mean 
while  as  best  he  could.  The  Makah  used  to  practice  diving  and  holding  the  breath 
so  as  to  be  prepared  for  emergencies. 

The  actual  arrangement  of  the  tackle  attached  to  the  harpoon-head  seems  to 
have  differed  somewhat  with  different  tribes.  Curtis  gives  the  following  notes  on 
the  succession  of  elements  in  the  long  string  of  tackle. 

Quilliute  tribe  (Vol.  9,  p.  146)  Nootka  tribe  (Vol.  11,  p.  16) 

1.  Harpoon  head  1.  Harpoon  head 

2.  4  fathoms  of  sinew  line  2.  4  fathoms  of  sinew  line 

3.  Float  3.  Float 

4.  10  fathoms  of  cedar  line  4.  8  fathoms  of  llX>  inch  plaited  cedar  line 

5.  Float  5.  Float 

6.  30  fathoms  of  line  6.  20  fathoms  of  %  inch  line 

7.  Float  7.  Float 

8.  50  fathoms  of  line  8.  30  fathoms  of  V>  incli  line 

9.  Float  9.  Float 

After  the  whale  is  dead,  a  certain  member  of  the  crew,  the  "diver,"  goes  down 
as  described  by  Curtis,  and  fastens  a  small  line  to  the  creature's  lower  jaw.  This 
is  then  passed  through  the  whale's  upper  lip,  and  made  fast  to  the  tow  line.  Pulling 
on  this  line  jams  the  whale's  lower  jaw  against  the  upper  one  and  in  this  way  his 
mouth  is  kept  closed.  They  say  that  when  the  mouth  is  closed  the  body  does  not 
become  water-logged  and  is  towed  more  easily. 

When  the  whale  is  newly  killed  some  difficulty  is  experienced  in  keeping  him 
afloat.  The  animal  drowns,  of  course;  that  is,  the  lungs  fill  with  water;  and  he 
tends  to  sink  outright.  He  often  disappears  below  the  surface,  being  sustained  only 
by  the  floats  (see  ^late  4).  Upwards  of  twenty  such  floats  are  required  for  that 
purpose.  These  are  attached  separately  to  harpoon  heads,  and  stuck  into  the  head 
of  the  carcass.  If  the  floats  are  too  few  in  number,  the  whale  is  correspondingly 
deeper  in  the  water. 


1920J  Makah  Indians  45 

DISPOSITION    OF   THE   WHALE-CARCASS 

All  authorities  mention  the  cutting  up  of  the  whale,  and  refer  to  rules  by  which 
it  was  done.  As  far  as  I  can  discover  the  details  are  as  follows.  The  whale,  when 
rowed  ashore,  is  measured  from  blow-hole  to  hump.  The  unit  consists  of  the  dis 
tance  the  hunter  can  reach,  from  tip  to  tip  of  his  fingers.  The  measurement,  from 
blow-hole  to  hump  establishes  che  size  of  the  whale.  Then  the  proper  width  for  the 
"cuts"  of  blubber  is  computed.  The  cutting  up  of  the  whale  is  shown  in  figure  15. 
The  "hump"  is  the  richest  in  oil,  and  belongs  to  the  hunter.  According  to  Curtis, 
he  sells  it  or  gives  it  away,  being  afraid  to  eat  it  (see  p.  40).  The  hump  is  called 
yu'b-Atsk,=taboo-piece,  (Swan's  u'butsk,  not  explained)  and  is  treated  in  a  very 
ceremonious  manner,  described  by  Swan  very  fully,  the  main  point  being  that  it  is 
set  up  on  a  sort  of  rack  and  left  there  for  a  considerable  time,  being  decorated  mean 
time  with  eagle  down,  and  feathers,  (see  above,  p.  39).  This  "saddle"  is  re 
moved  first  of  all.  It  is  of  the  width  already  determined  as  being  proper  in  the 
light  of  the  size  of  the  whole  carcass.  A  strip  extending  clear  around  the  animal 
at  the  point  5,  (Fig  15),  is  next  taken  off.  This  belongs  to  the  canoe  which  brought 
the  first  assistance.  The  lower  jaw,  8,  goes  to  this  party,  and  often  the  tongue  also. 
There  are  rules  for  the  dividing  of  this  tongue  among  the  crew,  the  hunter  or  har- 
pooner  getting  the  largest  piece.  The  material  is  not  eaten,  but  the  oil,  which  it 
contains  in  large  quantities,  is  extracted  from  it.  The  flipper,  lulA'pt  ("hand")  is 
eaten,  and  is  often  named  in  calling  for  assistance  in  the  hunt.  On  the  under  side  of 
the  whale  is  an  area  covered  with  long  creases,  three  or  four  inches  deep.  This  is 
spoken  of  as  the  tsa-bA'kAk  ("strips"),  and  is  often  "promised  away"  beforehand. 
After  the  awards  for  assistance  in  the  hunt  are  all  made,  the  hunter  gives  away  the  re 
mainder  of  the  carcass  as  he  thinks  fit.  He  himself  keeps  the  tail  (Curtis,  Vol.  11,  p. 
37).  There  is  some  blubber  on  the  flukes  (see  7,  b)  and  the  remainder  is  of  a  jelly-like 
consistency,  like  pigs-feet,  when  cooked.  This  distribution  is  the  act  so  very  char 
acteristic  of  the  northwestern  Indians;  that  is,  the  cutting  up  of  the  whale  and  the 
distribution  of  the  blubber  is  a  form  of  potlatch.  The  donor  knows  to  a  pound  what 
everybody  receives,  and  expects  a  return  at  a  future  date.  The  meat  of  the  whale 
is  not  removed,  but  the  blubber  (tL'a'bas)  is  highly  valued.  This  blubber  is  cut 
with  the  short  bone-pointed  lance,  butu'yek,  mentioned  above.  It  consists  of  a 
straight  handle  4  or  5  feet  long,  with  a  chisel,  butkaiya':p,  of  elk-antler.  A  hand 
hold,  su"Ats  (=something  one  holds  to)  is  cut  in  the  top  of  the  strip,  and  a  line  is 
made  fast.  As  one  man  wields  the  chopper,  another  pulls  the  blubber  away  with  the 
line,  tci'ktup.  Plate  6,  a,  shows  this  operation.  The  hand-hold  also  serves  in  car 
rying  the  blubber  (see  Plate  6,  &),  The  oil  extracted  from  this  blubber  is  highly 
valued  as  a  dressing  for  dried  fish,  and  berry-cakes.  After  the  oil  is  all  extracted, 
the  blubber  itself  is  dried  and  eaten,  having  a  pleasant  taste,  suggesting  rich  pork, 
though,  somewhat  tougher.  The  dried  blubber  looks  like  citron,  according  to  Swan. 
The  skin  of  the  whale  is  very  thin,  almost  like  paper,  and  has  no  value  to  the  Indian. 
Under  the  skin  are  perpendicular  fibres,  called  tLi'dits,  about  1/4  inch  in  diameter. 
(See  Plate  5,  o).  These  are  very  rich  in  fat,  and  are  removed  and  eaten  raw,  or 


46  Waterman  [Vol.  1 

boiled.     They  are  quite  palatable  in  their  raw  state,  and  children  especially  are  said 
to  be  fond  of  them. 

There  are  many  disagreeable  features  connected  with  the  cutting  up  of  the 
whale,  which  other  authors  seemed  to  have  passed  over  without  mention.  I  presume 
they  are  a  necessary  part  of  the  account,  however,  if  a  true  picture  of  the  primitive 
food-quest  is  to  be  presented.  They  may  be  mentioned  briefly.  The  stomach  of  the 
animal  when  he  is  killed  usually  contains  from  one  to  two  tons  of  half-digested  fish. 
This  material  begins  to  decay  almost  at  once,  and  the  carcass  soon  begins  to  be 
bloated,  from  the  gases  which  accumulate.  If  two  days  are  consumed  in  getting  to 
the  land,  the  tongue  begins  to  protrude,  the  carcass  "floats  high"  in  the  water,  and 
the  whale  stinks  desperately.  It  is  the  intestines  that  give  rise  to  this  odor,  however, 
not  the  blubber.  Even  a  perfectly  fresh  whale  stinks  when  he  is  opened.  It  is  said 
that  the  man  who  first  opens  the  carcass  on  the  beach  is  sometimes  overcome  by  the 
gases,  which  burst  out,  and  "cause  him  to  faint."  The  process  of  decay  goes  on 
much  more  rapidly  in  the  flesh  than  in  the  blubber,  which  keeps  for  an  indefinite 
period,  even  if  not  removed  from  the  whale.  The  flesh  can  be  removed  from  the 
bones  only  after  stripping  off  the  blubber,  which  requires  time.  Possibly  that  is 
the  reason  the  flesh  of  the  whale  is  not  more  generally  utilized.  Blubber  which  has 
become  rancid,  through  overmuch  delay,  is  tried  out,  and  the  oil  is  used  for  various 
technological  purposes,  not  for  food.  The  bones,  with  the  muscles  and  ligaments, 
are  left  on  the  beach  for  the  birds  and  other  scavengers.  All  of  the  blubber,  however, 
down  to  that  on  the  flukes,  is  carefully  preserved. 

RELIGIOUS  OBSERVANCES  CONNECTED  WITH  BRINGING  IN  THE  WHALE 

Formerly  the  whole  village  turned  out  to  receive  a  whale,  mostly,  however, 
from  excitement,  and  interest.  The  whaler's  wife  came  down  and  danced,  and  sang. 
Eagle-down  was  placed  upon  the  dead  animal's  hump,  and  on  the  blow-hole  (Curtis, 
Vol.  11,  p.  36).  Menstruant  women  and  adolescent  girls  were  supposed  to  stay  in 
the  house,  and  not  see  the  whale;  otherwise,  they  would  spoil  the  "luck."  Before 
cutting  up  the  carcass,  the  songs  of  the  successful  hunter  were  chanted,  led  by  his 
father  or  his  uncle.  Those  songs  "were  like  prayers."  An  old  experienced  man 
measured  the  whale  and  made  the  first  cut.  After  the  hump  or  saddle  had  been  cut 
off  and  taken  to  the  house,  it  was  set  upon  a  rack  and  decorated  with  feathers,  as 
described  by  Swan  (see  above  p.  45).  For  several  days  there  were  gatherings, 
and  numerous  ceremonial  performances.  The  old  whalers  sat  facing  the  decorated 
"saddle-piece"  and  each  man  sang  his  own  whaling  song.  (Curtis,  Vol.  11,  p.  40). 
The  successful  hunter  often  entertained  the  people  by  a  performance,  showing  his 
"power."  A  helper,  with  a  rattle  in  the  form  of  a  bird,  would  begin  to  rattle  and 
sing  the  whaling  songs  belonging  to  his  chief.  The  latter  would  enter,  dressed  in 
ceremonial  costume.  My  informant  has  seen  a  man  dance  completely  clothed  in 
nettles,  tied  on.  The  performer  in  such  ceremonies  makes  his  entry  in  tirrte  to  the 
music,  and  dances  around  the  fire  in  a  contra-clockwise  direction.  His  movements 
imitate  those  of  the  whale,  and  he  heaves  his  way  slowly  around  the  fire,  "blowing" 
from  time  to  time.  He  never  stands  upright  until  the  circuit  is  completed. 


1920]  Makah  Indians  47 

No  religious  regard  was  ever  paid  to  the  bones,  which  were  left  on  the  beach. 
Evidently  the  courtesies  extended  to  the  taboo-piece  or  saddle,  fulfilled  all  the  neces 
sities.  The  skeleton  of  the  whale  lay  at  low  water  mark,  and  was  slowly  cleaned  by 
water-worms  and  sand-fleas.  The  whale,  nevertheless,  was  supposed  theoretically 
to  be  a  guest  of  the  village,  and  to  have  appeared  upon  the  scene  of  his  own  volition. 

METHODS   OF   NAVIGATION 

As  already  remarked,  whaling  expeditions  often  go  clear  out  to  sea,  out  of  sight 
of  land.  On  the  high  seas  at  night,  the  Makah  steer  by  the  Pole-star.  They  never 
get  lost,  even  in  a  fog,  for  they  are  helped  by  the  swells  and  the  wind.  In  this 
part  of  the  Pacific  the  heave  runs  pretty  consistently  west  and  east.  They  know  by 
experience  also  that  thick  weather  comes  on  when  the  wind  is  from  the  southeast. 
So  if  the  weather  is  thick,  they  conclude  that  the  wind  is  from  that  quarter.  Clear 
weather,  on  the  other  hand,  is  usually  accompanied  by  winds  from  the  west.  By 
considering  all  of  these  matters,  the  whalers  always  manage  to  get  back  "somehow." 

Some  of  the  older  men,  who  have  spent  a  lifetime  on  the  halibut  banks,  can  locate 
themselves  even  when  out  of  sight  of  land  by  the  appearance  of  the  water  and  the 
set  of  the  "tide  rips." 

The  following  expressions  are  used  by  the  Makah  canoeman  as  terms  of  direc 
tion  while  on  the  water 

To  the  left  or  "port",  tcAba'tsp  (cf.  ka'tspa,=left). 
To  the  right  or  "starboard",  tcAba'tsa'k  (cf.  katsaksp,=right). 
Ahead,  hitA'kwAd-dltsp  (cf.  hitA'kwAd,  the  bow  space). 
Astern,  tLTtca'tsp  (cf.  tL'i'tca,  the  stern  space). 

The  term  iyexAxs  is  used  in  the  sense  of  "here"  or  "there,"  applying  only  to  po 
sitions  inside  of  a  boat.  On  land,  other  terms  are  employed. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  WHALING  INDUSTRY 

I  suppose  it  would  be  impossible  to  discover  which  of  the  various  coast  tribes 
originated  the  hunting  of  the  whale.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  it  sprang  up 
somewhere  along  the  west  coast  of  Vancouver  Island.  Probably  the  Nootka  and 
Clayoquot  had  as  much  to  do  as  anybody  with  developing  the  industry.  The  art 
is  not  found  on  the  east  coast  of  Vancouver  Island,  nor  does  it  exist  among  the  tribes 
of  Alaska,  as  the  Haida  or  Tlingit.  Whaling  is  practiced  by  the  Quilliute  and 
Quinault,  south  of  Cape  Flattery,  but  the  practice  is  unknown  beyond  their  terri 
tory.  Whales  are  spoken  of  in  the  accounts  of  the  tribes  living  all  along  the  coast 
of  Oregon  and  Washington,  and  whale  products  of  various  sorts  are  utilized,  as  they 
are  also  in  Alaska,  but  the  tribes  who  actively  pursue  the  big  cetaceans  are  those  in  the 
vicinity  of  Capt  Flattery  and  Vancouver  Island.  The  Makah,  who  live  near  the  south 
ern  frontier  of  the  region  where  whaling  is  practiced,  would  hardly  be  looked  upon 
(in  the  absence  of  positive  proof)  as  the  originators  of  the  practice.  All  sources 
agree,  however,  that  they  long  ago  attained  first  rate  skill  at  it. 


Waterman 


[Vol.  1 


About  1860  the  Makah  temporarily  left  off  whaling.  The  reason  was  the  enor 
mous  profits  to  be  derived  at  that  time  from  pelagic  sealing,  at  which  pursuit  also 
they  were  highly  skillful,  and  highly  successful.  About  the  year  1890  they  resumed 
their  whaling  practices,  largely  because  by  that  time  the  Government  protection  of 
the  fur  seal  had  reduced  the  profits  of  sealing.  Many  of  the  Makah  tribe  attained 
distinct  success  as  seal  poachers,  until  the  Federal  Government's  increasingly  strict 
supervision  of  the  animals  made  poaching  impractical.  Whaling  is  still  carried  on 
at  the  present  time,  largely  with  their  old  tribal  apparatus. 

4!t 


Bow 


Stern 


Fig.  14 — Diagram  showing  the  arrangement  of  the  huntsmen  and 
their  equipment  in  the  whaling  canoe.  (Based  in  part  on  in 
formation  contained  in  Curtis,  vol.  11,  pp.  36,  37,  184).  For 
the  native  terminology  for  the  thwarts  and  other  parts  see 
figure  3;  and  uage  No.  50,  above. 


A.  Bow-space,  hitA'kwAd,  occupied  by 

the    harpooner    with    his    weapon 
and  four  fathoms  of  sinew  line. 

1.  Position   of  the   harpooner. 

B.  Second   space,   kaqai'yuwAxs,   laden 

with  14  floats. 

2.  Position  of  the  float  tender. 

3.  Position  of  the  diver. 

C.  Third    space,   tceLAkduwAxs,   laden 

with  cedar  line,  in  sections. 

4.  Position    of    the    harpoon-line    ten 

der    (chikowihlhasi,   in   Curtis   no 
tation). 


5.  Position  of  the  float-inflator. 

D.  Fourth  cargo-space.     Here  the  bail 

ing  is  attended  to. 

E.  Fifth     cargo     space,     hitA'ksistAxs 

(=inside)  laden  with  water-boxes 
and   provisions. 

6.  Position  of  the  watchej1. 

7.  Position  of   

F.  Sixth        cargo        space,          tL'i'tca 

(=stern). 

8.  Position  of  the  steersman. 


1920] 


Makah  Indians 
3 


49 


Fig.  15. — Diagram  showing  the  cutting-up  of  the  whale. 

1.  Blow-hole. 

2.  Eye,  kali'i. 

3.  Hump,  or  saddle,  yub — 'Atsk  (=taboo  piece). 

4.  Flukes,  tLiYctcid  (=feet). 

5.  Strip  extending  around  the  carcass,  xAtsA'qAbttL. 

6.  Creases,  tsa'bA'kAk   (=strips). 

7.  Flipper,  lulA'pi  (^ 
9.  Tongue,  lA'k'aiyuk. 


50  Waterman  [Vol.  1 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

The  following  list  includes  the  titles 
referred  to   in  the   preceding  pages. 
BOAS,  FHANZ 

1909.     The   Kwakiutl   of  Vancouver   Island.      American   Museum   of   Natural 
History,  Memoirs,  Vol.   8,  part  2.      Reprinted  from  Publications 
of  the  Jesup  North  Pacific  Expedition,  Vol.  5,  part  2. 
1916.     Tsimshian  mythology.       In  Smithsonian,  Institution  Thirty-first  Annual 

Report  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  pp.  29-1037. 
CURTIS,  EDWARD  S. 

1911-16.  The  North  American  Indian:  being  a  series  of  volumes  picturing  and 
describing  the  Indians  of  the  United  States  and  Alaska.  In  twenty 
volumes.  [Eleven  volumes  of  the  series  have  so  far  been  published.] 
Vol.  8.  Nez  Perce,  Walla  Walla,  Umatilla,  Cayuse,  Chinookan 

Tribes.     1911. 
Vol.  9.     Salishan  tribes  of  the  Coast ;  Chemakum,  Quilliute,  Willapa. 

1913. 

Vol.  10.     The  Kwakiutl.     1915. 
Vol.11.     Nootka,  Haida.     1916. 
LEWIS,  ALBERT  BUELL 

1906.  Tribes  of  the  Columbia  Valley  and  the  coast  of  Oregon  and  Washington. 

Memoirs  of  the  American  Anthropological  Association,  Vol.  1,  part 
2,  pp.  151-209. 
MEANY,  EDMOND  S. 

1907.  Vancouver's  discovery  of  Puget  Sound.     Macmillan. 

REPORT  OF  THE  COMMITTEE  OF  THE  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGICAL  ASSOCIATION  ON 
THE  PHONETIC  TRANSCRIPTION  OF  INDIAN  LANGUAGES. 

Smithsonian  Miscellaneous  Collections,  Vol.  66,  number  6   (Publication 

2415).     Washington,  D.  C.,  1916. 
NIBLACK,  ALBERT  P. 

1890.     The  coast  Indians  of  Southern  Alaska  and  Northern  British  Columbia 
In    Smithsonian     Institution.     U.     S.     National    Museum,    Annual 
Report  for  1888,  pp.  225-386. 
SWAN,  JAMES  G. 

1870.     The   Indians  of  Cape  Flattery  at  the  entrance  to  the  Strait  of  Fuca, 
Washington   Territory.     In   Smithsonian   Institution,  Contributions 
to  Knowledge,  number  220. 
VANCOUVER,  CAPTAIN  GEORGE 

1798.     A  voyage  of  discovery  to  the  North   Pacific   Ocean.   .   .  performed   in 
the  years  1790,  1791,  1792,  1793,  1794,  and  1795.     3  vols.,  London. 
WILSON,  THOMAS 

1901.     Arrow-wounds.     In  American  Anthropologist,  n.  s.  Vol.  3,  pp.  513-531. 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Explanation  of  Plate  1. 

a.  Shaping  the  hull  of  the  canoe.     The  typical  adze  used  in  such  work  is  seen  in  the 
carpenter's  hand.     A  stone  maul  is  close  at  hand  on  the  bow  of  the  boat.     The 
canoe,  cut  away  as  it  is  at  bow  and  stern,  is  a  very  heavy-looking  hulk  until  the 
additional  bow-and-stern-pieces  are  in  place. 

b.  Fitting  the  bow-piece  on  the  hull.     The  bow-piece  in  a  partly-finished  state,  is 
being  hewn  to  fit  a  scarf  previously  cut  in  the  hull. 


[52] 


Univ.  of  Wash.  Publ.  Pol.  &  Soc.  Sci. 


[Waterman]   Vol.   1,  Plate   1 


Copyright.      Photographs  liy  Asaliol  Curtis 


MAKING  A  "CHINOOK"  CANOE. 

[53] 


Explanation  of  Plate  3. 

o.  The  canoe  is  beached  stern-foremost,  as  is  the  invariable  rule.  The  scarf  which 
holds  the  stern-piece  on  the  boat  is  visible,  patched  in  one  place  with  a  piece  of 
tin.  The  "gunwale  strips"  can  also  be  plainly  seen.  One  thwart  has  been  broken 
down,  and  the  "mast-holders"  have  been  replaced  by  a  sawn  plank,  with  an 
auger-hole  in  it.  Inflated  buoys  may  be  seen,  and  the  old  whaler  is  holding  a 
fine  harpoon-shaft. 

b.  This  photograph  shows  a  canoe  with  the  old  fashioned  square  rigging,  the  var 
ious  halyards  being  plainly  visible.  The  sail,  however,  is  of  canvas  instead  of 
matting. 


[541 


Univ.  of  Wash.  Publ.  Pol.  &  Soc.  Sci. 


[Waterman]  Vol.  1,  Plate  2 


Copyright.     Photographs  by  Asahel  Curtis 

'LIGHT-HOUSE  JOE"  WITH  HIS  HARPOON  AND  BUOYS. 
A  CANOE    UNDER   SAIL. 

[55] 


Explanation  of  Plate  3. 

a.  View  of  Cape  Flattery  looking  north.  The  isolated  crag  in  the  sea  has  a  recess 
near  its  summit.  This  crevice  is  about  40  feet  from  the  top,  and  the  size  of  the 
crag  may  be  further  estimated  by  comparing  it  with  the  growth  of  timber  on  the 
nearby  cliff.  A  spar  lay  in  this  recess  for  a  great  many  years  (See  page  30 
above).  Flattery  Light  may  be  seen  in  the  distance. 
Light  may  be  seen  in  the  distance. 

6.  This  photograph  shows  the  same  crag  as  the  previous  one.  but  the  view  is  taken 
toward  the  south.  In  the  cliff  to  the  left  are  the  sea-caves  which  were  the  scene 
of  the  sealing  exploit  mentioned  on  page  36. 


[r,6] 


Univ.  of  Wash.  Publ.  Pol.  &  Soc.  Sci. 


[Waterman]  Vol.  1.  Plate  3 


Copyright,     Photographs  by  Asiilicl  Curtis 


ALONG  THE  MAKAH  COAST 

[57] 


Explanations  of  Plate  4- 

a.     The  whale-  in  this  photograph  has  "drowned"  and  has  sunk  out  of  sight.     His 
position  is  marked  by  the  group  of  floats  in  the  background. 

fr.     Here  the  whale  has  been  towed  to  the  beach  at  Neah  Bay.  At  low  tide  the  people 
will  be  able  to  gather  around  the  stranded  carcass,  to  remove  the  blubber. 


[58] 


Univ.  of  Wash.  Publ.  Pol.  &  Soc.  Sci. 


[Waterman]  Vol.  1,  Plate  4 


Copyright.      Photographs  by  Asatiel  Curtis 


THE  HARPOONED  WHALE 

[59] 


Explanation  of  Plate  5. 

a.  Basket  in  which  harpoon-heads  are  carried. 

b.  An  old  Makah  is  here  seen  peeling  the  skin  from  a  whale.     As  remarked  in  the 
text,  and  as  may  be  seen  here,  this  skin  is  very  thin,  and  quite  the  opposite  from 
the  hide  one  would  look  for  on  such  a  tremendous  carcass.     The  harpoon-heads 
and  the  buoys  attached  to  them  have  not  yet  been  cut  out  of  the  tissue  into  which 
they  were  driven  in  killing  the  animal. 


[60] 


Univ.  of  Wash.  Publ.  Pol.  &  Soc.  Sci. 


[Waterman]  Vol.  1,  Plate  5 


Photograph    by    F.     S.     Hall 
Photograph     liy     Asahol     Curtis 


Removing  the  skin  from  a  whale-carcass;  basket  for  harpoon  heads. 

[01] 


Explanation  of  Plate  6. 

a.  The  blubber  is  here  being  removed  from  the  stranded  whale.     Slabs  are  cut  with 
tlu   "chisel"  or  "butu"k,"  and  stripped  off  by  pulling  on  a  line,  attached  to  a 
slash  at  the  top  of  the  slab. 

b.  Three   famous  whalers,  Antone  Wispu,  on  the  reader's  left;  David   Fischer,  or 
QV.t'Ap;  and    Charley    White,    called     TLixwit'u,       or     "Paddler."     Charley 
White  is  carrying  a  "cut"  of  blubber  by  a  hand-hold. 


[62] 


Univ.  of  Wash.  Publ.  Pol.  &  Soc.  Sci. 


[Waterman]  Vol.  1,  Plate  6 


('ii/>!jri(/ht.     Photographs  by  Asahrl  Curtis 


CUTTING  UP  THE  WHALE 

[63] 


Explanation  of  Plate  7. 

a.  The  bones  of  the  whale-  are  largely  stripped  bare  of  the  blubber,  several  cuts  of 
which  are  visible  in  the  foreground. 

6.  The  flesh  of  the  animal  may  here  be  seen,  in  the  middle  part  of  the  carcass,  the 
blubber  having  been  stripped  off.  In  the  foreground  lies  a  float,  and  at  the 
right,  one  of  the  great  flukes  of  the  tail. 


[6t] 


Univ.  of  Wash.  Publ.  Pol.  &  Soc.  Sci. 


[Waterman]  Vol.  1,  Plate  7 


Photographs  liy  Asithcl  Curtis 


THE  LAST  OF  THE  WHALE 

[65] 


Explanation  of  Plate  8. 

a.  Sheath  for  the  protection  of  the  harpoon-head     (see    page    32).      The    sheath 
consists  of  a  folded  strip  of  cedar-bark.     The  two  ends  of  this  strip  are  split  into 
narrow  fibres,  and  these  fibres  are  worked  over  with  separate  fibres  of  bark  in 
plain  twining.     University  of  Washington,  State  Museum,  Catalogue  number  105. 
Length  from  point  of  barb  to  point  of  blade,  6%  inches,  17.5  cm. 

b.  The  complete  harpoon-head.     The  sinew  lanyard,  the  bone  barb,  the  blade   (in 
this  specimen,  a  piece  of  saw-steel)  and  the  final  coating  of  spruce  gum.  are  all 
plainly   shown.      University    of    Washington,    State    Museum,    Catalog    number 

105.  *  ;j 

c.  Sketch  showing  the  details  of  the  above  lashing,  as  far  as  they  are  visible  in  the 
completed  specimen. 

d.  Enlarged  view  of  a  whaling  head  photographed  without  the  blade,  and  the  cov 
ering  of  resin ;  showing  the  ingenious  manner  in  which  the  strands  of  the  sinew 
lanyard  are  wrapped  and   served  around  the  bone   framework.      University  of 
Washington.  Catalog  number  85. 


[66] 


Univ.  of  Wash.  Publ.  Pol.  &  Soc.  ScL 


[Waterman]  Vol.  1,  Plate  8 


Photographs     by     Linklotter    Studio 


HEAD  FOR  THE  WHALING  HARPOON 

[67] 


